Joseph Aduedem: Gbanta Bogka – A Journey into Bulsa Divination Practices

Joseph Aduedem

Growing up in Pungsa, Sandema, there were several times my grandfather would return from divination (gbanta bogka) and recount his experience. As he described the process and narrated the messages he received during his divination, I noticed something fascinating: the vocabulary he used didn’t sound like ordinary speech. It was elevated, layered with meaning, and seemed to belong to a different realm altogether. This mysterious language stirred a quiet curiosity in me—a desire to understand the world it came from and what it signified in Bulsa culture. Sadly, this part of Bulsa religious and social life is not widely discussed. One reason is its close association with traditional Bulsa worship, which is often sidelined in today’s climate of religious pluralism in Buluk. Another reason is that divination involves a unique vocabulary and skillset that not everyone understands. It’s not just a practice—it’s a world of its own, an art one must be trained to understand and participate. My curiosity about the world of gbanta bogka, sparked in childhood by my grandfather’s narratives, hasn’t faded with time—it has only grown stronger in my adult life.

Admittedly, as a Catholic priest, I had concerns that my curiosity and interest in gbanta bogka might be misunderstood. That notwithstanding, divination is a core part of the daily life of the Bulsa as a people. I have always been interested in the material culture of the Bulsa people. And my upbringing in a traditional household exposed me to countless moments when my grandfather would narrate the results of his divinations. Even today, when I return home for a day off, I see people visiting him to be guided to the baanoa yeri—the diviner’s house. These experiences have gifted me with insights I believe are worth documenting.

In this write-up, I aim to share key insights into the practice of gbanta bogka among the Bulsa—its nature, who becomes a diviner, how one becomes a diviner, and finally, how it differs from sanpuporini.

The Nature of Gbanta Bogka (Divination)

The jadok: Every diviner starts by procuring a jadok. The word jadok carries two meanings in Buli. Irrespective of which meaning it (jadok) connotes, jadok comes about when someone encounters an extraordinary creature, event or phenomenon. For instance, meeting chameleons mating on a crossroad, or a bush animal with abnormal body features like three legs, a lizard in a river, or seeing a particular star at an odd hour, and so on. Once an individual encounters such a phenomenon, he or she is said to have “exposed” it. Most often, he or she has to either procure it as a shrine for sacrifices (ngari a kaabi), or use it for divination (ngari a bogi). Distinctively, the whole process of procuring the extraordinary creature and erecting a monument in its honour for sacrifice is called jadok ngarika, whereas procuring for the purpose of divination is called jadok gobika.[1] Either way, the being or object is called a jadok. This explains the caution in Buli that “ka a nya yegayega ale fi ale ngari ngan dogsa” which means “do not poke around too much or you might end up procuring ngandogsa (plural of jadok).”
Baanoa or jadok nyono: A baanoa is properly the English equivalent of a diviner. A baanoa is a person who, after encountering an extraordinary creature or phenomenon, has procured such for the purpose of divination. One becomes a diviner simply by encountering an abnormal creature (like bush animal with five limbs, snakes or chameleons mating, etc.) or event (such as river gods coming out, an abnormal star popping out, and so on). Later on, these creatures or events having been “exposed” by the person, will demand that they be procured as ngandoksa (plural of jadok). The role of baanoa does not depend on family lineage—it comes from individual experience. Men and women, young or old, can become baanoaba (plural of baanoa). Interestingly, while it is taboo for a woman to consult a diviner (ni pok a kan bog gbanta), a woman can become a diviner herself. Initiation into this role involves specific rituals, which scholars like Kröger have documented.
Gbanta bogka: This is the procedure involved in the invocation of the jadok and interpreting its communication. Thus, how one communicates with the jadok, and interprets the items identified, picked and positioned by the jadok is termed gbanta bogka. Typically, A baanoa uses incantations, whistles, chants, or drumming—depending on the type of jadok—to summon it. Once it arrives, he communicates with it using a divining stick (baan-doari), with the client holding the lower end.

This stage requires a deep knowledge of the symbols and their meanings in the diviner’s bag (baanoa yui or baan-yui) as well as an understanding of the vocabulary of gbanta bogka and how to begin, sustain the process and conclude it. It is said the jadok is like a mute person who communicates through signs. Below are a few examples of the parts of the body, articles and objects used in the process, and what they mean in the context of gbanta bogka.

Suuk nuroa: When the divination stick points at one’s navel, it is referring to one’s sibling. The appropriate vocabulary is Suuk nuroa. It could be a younger or elder brother/sister. The client would then have to be specific in asking whether it is a male or female sibling, and the jadok would answer appropriately.
Ngaangsa: When the divination stick points at one’s back (upper part), it is referring to one’s ancestors, but this can also refer to grandchildren. Therefore, the client would have to ask for specifics when the stick points at his back.
Tieng nyono: When the divination stick points at one’s chin, it is referring to one’s grandfather. The appropriate vocabulary is tieng nyono. It means one’s grandfather.
Ngmangkpaluk: When the divination stick points at one’s shoulder, it is referring to one’s father. The appropriate vocabulary is kwo. It means one’s father.
Nigiri: When the divination stick points at one’s arm, it is referring to wealth, or power/authority. The appropriate vocabulary is nigiri. So when the stick points at the arm in relation to a person, it either means the person is wealthy, or would become wealthy or powerful.
Biisa nyono: When the divination stick points at one’s breast, it is referring to one’s mother. The appropriate vocabulary is biisa nyoono.
Nantiok biisa: When the divination stick points at one’s feet and then breast, it is referring to one’s wife. The appropriate vocabulary is natuok biisa.
Kalik: When the divination stick points at one’s lap, it is referring to one’s child. The appropriate vocabulary is Kalik

Beyond the parts of the body, there are other objects in the diviner’s bag (baanoa yui/baan-yui) that connote many things in the divination process. A few of these include:

Diita (food): food is represented by a cob of maize (chulembein duok), and the appropriate vocabulary is diita.
Nan sabi (livestock): livestock such as goat, sheep or cow are represented by the hove of a goat in the diviner’s bag (baan-yui), and the vocabulary is nasabi jaab. It rests with the client to further probe as to which specific animal the jadok is referring to.
Kungkoluk (shell) or another creature/object from water represents health (nyin yogsa).
Jaw bones of dog: This represents laughter (laata) among the items in the diviner’s bag.
Pen: a pen represents karichi (a teacher or educated person), school/schooling, or somebody whose work is more of an administrative nature.
Dindaani: When the divination stick draws something like a circle on the floor, it is referring to a building, a structure or a house. The appropriate vocabulary is Dindaani

Baanoa biik [Jadok siero?]: Since the divination process has its own vocabulary and requires special skills, there are usually only a few men in a community who can do divination, and they are called baanoa bisa. Learning to do divination is open to all men who want to learn. To learn how to do this, One must first of all, send a fowl to a baanoa and state his intention of desiring to learn. Thereafter, the learner visits every morning and evening to practice. Once trained, the person can perform gbanta bogka for themselves or for others. This person is not the diviner, but he understands the divination process, vocabulary and symbolism. He can therefore conduct divination on behalf of others, whether they’re present or not.

To get the services of a baanoa biik, one has to visit the person’s house in the evening to make the request. If he agrees, you will return at dawn, and he will go with you and divine for you. For emergencies (e.g., a severe scorpion sting or sudden onset of illness), you can go to this person at any time and say, “we cannot greet” (ku ka puusa), thus, bypassing all pleasantries. Then you request his service. The person, if he is willing, will send you to a baanoa yeri to do the divination. Once on the way, no greetings are exchanged until the process is complete. Greetings and other pleasantries are exchanged only after the gbanta bogka.

Gbanta Bogka vs. Sanpuporini

Before delving into the difference between gbanta bogka and sanpuporini, it would be proper to state briefly what sanpuporini is. Sanpuporini deals with prophesying, foretelling or communicating messages from the spirit world to a client. The person who does this is called a Sanpuporik. The sanpuporik attends to his or her client by using and interpreting various media such as water (nyiam), sand/soil (tan-busung/tanta) in a calabash, mirror (nyaasung), skin on the floor, or cowries (lik pie bie). Depending on which of these media the sanpuporink is using, they are able to see, understand and interpret spiritual realities and relay messages to the client. Thus, unlike the gbanta bogka, where the client is actively engaged with the jadok, sanpuporini leaves everything in the hands of the practitioner. The following are major differences between the two.

Origin of Powers: The first difference is the origin of their powers/abilities. In the case of the baanoa, he/she procures his jadok as a result of encountering an extraordinary creature or event. He/she does not need to have prior experience, or to belong to a particular family or background. On the other hand, sanpuporini is operated with the ability to see into the spiritual realm. This means the sapuporik must have the “gift of seeing” (wa nina a nya), whereas this is not so with gbanta bogka.
Modus operandi: whereas in the gbanta bogka the client interacts actively with the jadok, and not the baanoa, in sanpuporini, the client only receives what he is told by the His interaction is not with the medium of sanpuporini but with the sanpuporik himself/herself.
Required Skills: In the case of gbanta bogka, the client must understand the vocabulary and symbolism involved in the process and must possess the skills to navigate the process. On the other hand, during sanpuporini, the client is a passive receiver of what the sanpuporik tells him, no special skills, language or understanding of symbolism is required.
Gender Roles: Another striking difference is that in the case of gbanta bogka, the client must always be a man. There is the famous statement in Buluk that nipok kan bog gbanta, to wit: a woman does not do divination. Whereas in the case of sanpuporini, gender is not a concern, a woman can be a client.
Language Barrier: Another significant difference between the two practices has to do with language. In gbanta bogka the baanoa and the client do not have to speak the same language. A Kasena (client) can confidently do divination with a Bulsa baanoa without any difficulty. This is because, the interaction is with the jadok, and not with the baanoa. Thus, it is possible that “…an entire session can pass without any dialogue between the diviner and his visitor, since the latter has fully grasped the network of relationships between objects and symbolic content.”[2] On the other hand, sanpuporini cannot be successful without a shared language; the sanpuporik must communicate with is client.

Conclusion

There’s no doubt that gbanta bogka is a world unto itself. While both gbanta bogka and sanpuporini serve as bridges to the unseen, I personally prefer gbanta bogka to sanpuporini.

One reason for my preference is the engagement of the client in the process of gbanta bogka, which is lacking in the sapuporini. In gbanta bogka, the client ordinarily cannot blame the outcome of his gbanta on the baanoa if things differ in reality. He is fully in charge and responsible for understanding and interpreting the movements, directions and objects identified and picked by the jadok. In the case of sanpuporini, the client plays a passive role in the process and thus depends solely on what he is told by the sanpuporik, and not the medium of It is therefore possible for the sanpuporik to lie or cheat.
The second reason for my preference is the vocabulary and skills involved in gbanta bogka. Religion should not be casual—it should be intentional and well-practised; as the popular saying goes, anything worth doing must be done well. In my opinion, that sanpuporini allows anyone to claim spiritual insight, without clear checks or training, creates a breeding ground for deception—whether through intentional fraud, manipulation, or false prophecy.
Finally, the fact that divination can occur across language barriers speaks volumes. My grandfather, who doesn’t speak Kasem, ocassionally sought diviners in Chiana (a Kasem speaking area) without issue.

Indeed, gbanta bogka is not just a practice—it’s a world worth exploring and preserving.

REFERENCES

[1] Franz Kröger, Buli―English Dictionary, (Lit Verlag, 1992)

[2] Franz Kröger, Black Crosses and Divinatory Objects: Dead and Living Symbols of the Bulsa (https://buluk.de/new/?page_id=9367: Access on 10/06/2025.)

[3] Aduedem Alanjo (Interview: 2025).

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