SECONDARY SOURCES

(UNDER  CONSTRUCTION)

CONTENTS

Abu Mallam: A Hausa Narrative “Histories of Samory and Babatu and Others” (1992)

Ahmed Bako Alhassan: Babatu in Dagbon (Tamale 1991?)

Akanko, Peter Paul: Oral traditions of Builsa. Origin and early History of the Atuga’s Clan in the Builsa State (1700-1900). Rosengården 1988

Akankyalabey, Pauline: A History of the Builsa People (1984).

Akankyalabey, Pauline:  Geschichte der Bulsa (2005)

German (original) Edition; English Translation

Akankyalabey, Melanie (Ed., Sub Committee Chairperson)

[The Catholic Mission of Wiaga] Title Page missing, (2003)

Asianab, Francis Afoko (Private Notes): The Ayietas (1970)

Awedoba, Albert K.: The Chuchuliga Chieftaincy Affair (2009)

Bening, R.B. : The Regional Boundaries of Ghana 1874-1972 (1973)

Bening, R.B. : Location of district adminstrative capitals in the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast (1897-1951) (1975)

Berinyuu, Abraham: History of the Presbyterian Church in Northern Ghana (1997)

Cardinall, A.W. The Natives of the Northern Territories of the Gold  Coast – their Customs, Religion and Folkore (1920).

Clarke, John: Specimens of African Dialects 1848-1849 (1972)

Davies, O. (compiler): Ghana Field Notes, Part 2: Northern Ghana, Legon 1970.

Delafosse, Maurice: Haut-Sénégal-Niger, Tome II, L’Histoire, Paris 1972.

Der, Benedict G.: Christian Missions and the Expansion of Western Education in Northern Ghana, 1906-1975  (2001)

Duperray, Anne-Marie: Les Gourounsi de Haute Volta, Wiesbaden 1984

French and English Translation

Gariba, Joshua: Weaving the Fabric of Life: An Anthropological Presentation of Traditional Dwelling Culture among the Bulsa of North Eastern Ghana

Holden, J.: The Zabarima Conquest of North-west Ghana Part I (1965)

Howell, Allison M: The Religious Itinary of a Ghanaian People. The Kasena and the Christian Gospel. Frankfurt 1997.

Koelle, Sigismund Wilhelm, Polyglotta Africana, first edition London 1854, Reprint Graz, Austria 1963

Köhler, Oswin: Die Territorialgeschichte des östlichen Nigerbogens (1958)

Kröger, Franz: Ancestor Worship among the Bulsa of Northern Ghana (1982).

Kröger, Franz: Die Erforschung der Bulsa-Kultur (2005)

German (original) Edition and English translation

Kröger, Franz:

Ollivant (D.C.): A short history of the Buli, Nankani and Kassene speaking people in the Navrongo area of the Mamprusi District (1933)

Packham, E.S.: Notes on the development of the Native Authorities in the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast (1950)

Parsons, D. St. John: Legends of Northern Ghana. London 1958

Perrault, P., Rev. Fr., W.F.: History of the tribes of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast. Navrongo (1954)

Rattray, Capt. Robert S.: The Tribes of the Ashanti Hinterland, reprint 1969

Rodrigues, Raymundo Nina: Os africanos no Brasil (2010)

Schott, Rüdiger: Sources for a History of the Bulsa in Northern Ghana (1977)

Williamson, Thora: Chronicles of Political Officers in West Africa, 1900-1919 (2000)

Zwernemann, Jürgen: Ein “Gurunsi”-Vokabular aus Bahia – Ein Beitrag zur Afro-Amerikanistsik (1968) – German and English translation

Abu Mallam: A Hausa Narrative “Histories of Samory and Babatu and Others”   

Translated by Pilaszewicz, Stanislaw: The Zabarma Conquest of North-West Ghana and Upper Volta.
Warszawa 1992

[F.K.: This publication contains most important primary sources on Babatu and Samori]

Preface
p. 8
The manuscript under discussion was written in 1914 by a certain Mallam Abu and bears an English title.
Introduction (by Pilaszewicz):
p. 11
We have not information concerning the author of the manuscript and his literary activities. One has to adept his won statement that he took part in the Zabarma raids. It is quite possible that he might have accompanied the Zabarmas in their expeditions under Gazari and Babatu’s leadership…
p. 19
The name Zabarma is a Hausa word for the Jerma people, related to Songhai. In literature concerning Africa there are many variant forms of their name, for example, Zarma, Dyerma, Dyabarma, Zabarima, Zamberba, Djermabe etc.

Chapter one: Babatu
p.72
Fn 1: Babatu d’an Isa (known also as Mahama d’an Isa) came from Indunga… He succeeded Alfa Gazari and in the early 1880s became the unchallenged leader…

p. 84
Here is a story of Emir Babatu d’an Isa,
…The ruler of Paga-Buru boasted as well. Thc ruler of Paga-Buru sent to the ruler of Chuchiliga (footnote 75). He also, he made preparations for war and set about. They all assembled together with their troops: the ruler of Navrongo – the town was called Navrongo, the ruler of Chuchiliga – the town was called Chuchiliga, and the ruler of Paga-Buru – the town was called Paga-Buru. They all assembled together with their troops and came to Emir Babatu, [to] the war commander, thc ruler of Gurunsi. They collided with Emir Babatu on the bank of this stream. Emir d’an Isa beat them on that day and drove there away. They were running away and thc Zabarma people were following and killing them. In such a way Emir Babatu conquered the Buru country, he caught their chiefs and killed them. This story is also ended.

(footnote ) 75  In ms. Zuzulo. Another spelling, Juljulo, is also possible. This may be identified with Chuchiliga, a locality in the area under consideration…

p. 88
Here is a story of Emir Babatu
…He stayed in Korogo. [Then] he started on a journey to Sati. He reached a certain town. A great soldier of Gazari, whose name was Amariya (footnoe 98) rose in revolt…

(footnote ) 98 Amariya or Hamaria served as a war chief under Gazari. According to Holden (1965:78) he was born in Santijan near Kanjaga, on the Sisala-Builsa boundary. At the age of seven he was taken by Alfa Hano after whose death he served Alfa Gazari. At the time of revolt he was in charge of Babatu’s guns and powder, and held a high office in Sati. He is said to have heard judicial cases in Sati just like the other Zabarma leaders. He is regarded as having been literate and Muslim.

p. 92
Here is a story of Babatu
He set out from Sankana towards the Kanjaga country. He went and reached a certain town. The town was called Nangruma (footnote 119) [Its] people brought many presents and he accepted their presents. He stayed [there], he had a rest and [then] set forth. This story is also ended.

Here is a story of Babatu
He set out from Nangruma and went to Kanjaga, He reached Kanjaga and stayed in Kanjaga for one month. One day he heard the news as if Amariya and Balugu were coming. Babatu said that it was a lie. [Then] one man came [there] and said: “Babatu, Amariya drew very near [to this place]”. Babatu called his people and said: “Did you hear [it]?” They said that they heard. Another man came and said: “Babatu, make thorough preparations. There are some Europeans among them, I saw [them], it is not a [mere] rumour.” Babatu became silent. The second day, on Sunday in the morning, [when] Babatu had a rest, he heard gun-play. It was said that Amariya came with the

(footnote) 119 In ms. Naguruma – a town in northern Ghana (Ghana, Navrongo sheet).

p.93
Europeans of French origin (footnote 120) Babatu set forth arid collided with Amariya and his people, with him and the Europeans of French origin. Babatu, ruler of the Gurunsi.
The Europeans of French origin gathered many Gurunsi people, more than ten thousand people. Babatu killed all of them. As for Amariya, the Frenchmen did not see him that day. He ran away in panic, Balugu ran away in panic and Napere ran away in panic. Babatu drove away many Gurunsi people. He did not collide with the Europeans of French origin. But Babatu split them and drove away all the Gurunsi people. Emir Babatu, war commander, The Europeans of French origin and Babatu, they opposed each other very fiercely. A European of French origin felt indignant with Babatu. He fired a shot at Babatu but he missed. He (Babatu) was more valuable than ten [of them]. Emir Babatu was defeating [them], and the Zabarma people were shouting at them, The Europeans of French origin were worried and they did not rest in Kanjaga (footnote 121).  [They stayed] in a certain town. The town was called Fumbisi. Babatu drove them away that day, but Ali Gazari’s son lost his [life] that day, That day Babatu stayed in Kanjaga. When it dawned, Babatu went to Yagaba (footnote 122). The town was called Yagaba. He stayed [there]. This story is also ended.

Here is a story of Babatu
He came upon the Europeans of English origin (footnote 123).  They were many in Yagaba. They exchanged greetings with Babatu. As for Babatu, they summoned Babatu and said: “Babatu, stop fighting.” Babatu said that he agreed and that he would appease. [Then] a European of French origin came to Yagaba together with Amariya. The European of French origin and the European of English origin came together and held a council (footnote 124). The European of French origin returned. Babatu and the Europeans of English origin, they set out from Yagaba and went to a eertain town. The town was called Yabaum (footnote 125). They (the Europeans) parted from Babatu. Babatu started on a journey to a certain town. The town was called Bantala (footnote 126).

(footnote) 120 The French columns headed by captain Voulet and his aide-de-camp Chaneine entered Wahiguya by August 17th and Wagadugu, capital of the Mossis by September 1st, 1896. On September 19th Voulet-Chanoine signed a treaty with Amariya whieh put the Gurunsis under French protectorate. Captain Voulet moved by damages caused by the Zabarma troops promised to help his new “subjects”.
Cf. Hébert (11: 17ff.) and Holden (1966:80-82).

(footnote) 121 European writers (Hébert 1961:17ff., Holden 1966:83) are unanirnous when stating that Babatu was defeated in Kanjaga. Also according to McWilliam (1960:40) it was Amariya who won the victory over Babatu.

(footnote) 122 In ms. Yagaba, a town in northernGhana…

(footnote) 123 In 1896, havubg subdued the Ashantis and placed them under their protectorate, the British sent two expeditions to the north of the Gold Coast. One of them under lieutenant Henderson’s command (who was accompanied by G.F. Ferguson) in November, 1896 left Kumasi for Wa. The other, under captain Stewart’s command, went to Wagadugu. It was captain D. Stewart who met Babatu in Yagaba.

(footnote) 124  Probably the meeting of catpain Stewart with lieeutenant Scul is meant here. The latter one demanded extradition of Babatu, but captain Stewart refused to do it.

(footnote) 125 In Yagu – a town in northern Ghana, south of Daboya…

(footnote) 126  In Balali – a town in northern Ghana, on the way from Yabum to Ducie…

p. 98

Here is another story
They disputed about a certain town. The town was called Sinyensi (footnote 148) Umaru, son of Gazari said that Sinyensi belonged to him. Ali Muri claimed that Sinyensi was his. Emir Babatu settled the dispute. “Sinyensi belongs to Umaru, son of Gazari”. This story is also ended.

(footnote) 148 In ms. Sinisi – a town in north-west Ghana (Ghana, Wa sheet).

Ahmed Bako Alhassan: Babatu in Dagbon (Tamale 1991?)

[Note (F.K.): Alhassan, as he admits in his preface, adopted a very great deal of his text from Tamakloe (1931). He does not mention the Bulsa (Kanjagas) or any raids on Bulsa villages]

Preface (p. 1): The coming into being of this booklet – “BABATU IN DAGBON” has been made possible through the efforts of Alhaji Mahamadu Maida of Tamale. who is a grandson of Babatu, one of the slave raiders West Africa has ever known.
It was on the death of Hajia Rukaya Babatu the last living child of Babatu, and mother of Alhaji Maid on Friday, 22nd February 1991 that I suggested the compilation of this literature to posterity.
p. 18
Advantages that were had as a result of the presence of the Zabrama in Dagbon were many. Before their arrival, Dagbon know no horsemanship, not mentions weapons for fighting…
Again the arts of black-smithing, commerce, weaving and leathery were the produce of and skills of the Zabrama brought to Dagbon. Aside these the Islamic faith was propagated and taught in Dagbon, hence present Islam. [F.K.: These statement must be doubted]

Akanko, Peter Paul: Oral traditions of Builsa. Origin and early History of the Atuga’s Clan in the Builsa State (1700-1900).
Rosengården 1988

[Note (F.K.): Throughout Akanko’s text many references to Bulsa history can be found. In the following excerpt they have been neglected in favour of his table of contents and the unabridged appendices, containing his primary sources]

Contents (p. iii)
Acknowledgement V
Preface VII
Maps
1. Ghana, showing position of the Builsa State VIII
2. Northern Ghana, Builsa State
with towns and other places X
Chapters
I Early History and Growth of the Builsa State 1
II Origin of the Name Builsa 7
III The Origin and Growth of Atuga’s Clan in Builsa 13
IV The Political System in the State and why Atuga’s
Clan has the Paramountcy of the Ruling Power in Builsa 15
V Early Occupational Activities of the People 31

Appendix
1 References to Peoplc from whom I Collected oral Traditions
2 Questionnaire 47
3 Bibliographyp. 41

p. 41

Appendix 1
References to People from whom Local Oral Traditions Are Collected

*1 This oral information is collected from Mr. Leander Amoak from Sinyansa-Badomisa, one of the early settled sections of Wiaga. Her is one of the very first few educated men in the Builsa state and certainly one of the oldest teachers in Builsa. He is between 60 and 65ycars, and is now enjoying his retirement bonus at home.
According to him, the Builsa state is composed of different tribesmen with different customs, These different groups of people trace their origins to different countries outside the Builsa statc. These different groups of people included the descendants of Atuga and some southern villages which trace their origin and ancestory to the Mamprusi state, part of Kanjarga and Vare which trace their origin and ancestory to the Moshie of MOssi land and Gbedema, Doning and Chuchuliga which trace their origin and ancestory to Gurenshiland or Yiulug.
This information has been cross-checked with other elderly people:
Adum Asaghc, Akaduk-Anasarek, Akardem and Apagyie from Wiaga, Mr. Joseph Atiim from Kanjarga, Mr. Gabriel Abang from Gbedema, Mr. Clement Atiirembey from Chuchuliga and Mr. Christopher Abuuk from Kadem. All these people seem to identify themselves with Mr. Amoak’s view.

*2 This oral information has been collected from Adum Asaghe of Sinyansa. His age is between 70 and 75. Most people in Wiaga acknowledge him as a knowledgeable oldman who is vested in the traditions of the Builsa state.
In his view, most of the Builsas are descendants of the Mamprusi and Dagombas. The capital town of the Mamprusi state where their chief resided was and is still called Nalerigu. According to his interpretation. Nalerigu means “the chief is coming”. In his opinion Anaaniteng was the owner of the whole Mamprusi and Builsa lands.
This Annanitang gave birth to the following sons: Atandaga, Akomoa. Alaaba, Kovareng, Achoeba, Awabuluk, Wanwaring, Aboruk, Akandenoa and Achianbiik.
According to him, Achoeba is said to be the ancestor of Niaga und Nankani peoplc. Awabaluuk the ancestor of Builsa. Achianbiik, the ancestor of Chiana and Aboruk and Awanwaring,
p. 42
the ancestors of Chuchuliga people. But the name Chuchuliga is derived from a person called Achuchulo who came from Chibele- Pogu in Upper Volta later on, and by virtue of his superiority, lorded it over the descendants of Aboruk and Awanwaring and so
gave his name to the place known in the Builsa . state today as Chuchuliga. I cross-checked this ‘Achuchulo’ story as told by Adum Asaghe with Mr. Clement Atiirembey, a Chuchuliga born and he too shares the sane views.
According to Asaghc, Bachonsa, Kunkuck, Uwasi, Kategra, Fumbisi, Weisi and part of Kanjarga are all descendants oi Anaaniteng
too. According to my several cross-checked interviews, his view seems to be widely held by most Builsas.

*3 This information is collected from the old Adum Asaghe again. According to him, before Atuga came to Builsa, the descendants of Awabuluk were already living in the place, The first group of Awabuluk’s descendants was called Builiba after Awabuluk and the name Builsa might have certainly been derived from the name Builiba. the Builiba were believed to have settled between Kadema and Zamsa. they regarded Atuga and his men as brothers and so readily received then and allowed them to settle at any place in the Builsa state. He holds the view that the reason for the immigration of Atuga’s father from Mamprusi was over thc quest ion of the traditional circumcision among the Mamprusis. He also holds the view that Atuga settled at the place called Atuga- Guuk between Wiaga and Sandema. He has a lot of sympathisers on the reason for Immigration and settlement place of Atuga bur then his opponents arc also quite a good number.

*4 This information is collected from Lawrence Amoak from Kpandema, a section of Wiaga. His age is between 60 and 64. He is one of the few early Christians and about one of the oldest Catechists of the Roman Catholic White Missionaries in Builsa. He has certainly travelled widely with thc early Missionaries to the various villages in the Builsa state, A good number of people believe that he has got a commanding knowledge about thc traditions of the state.
According to him, when the Builsa became fully settled, the place was visited by thc. Mamprusi Chief of Nalerigu. Since thc majority of Builsas believed to have originated from the Mamprusi state, it therefore followed that the Mamprusi chief regarded them as his people.
The Builsas met him at the Yagaba Mighty dam. According to him, the Mamprusi chief was wondering whether there were rivers in the area, and so inquired from the people to know where they
p. 43
got their water from. The people replied that they got their water from “builisa” meaning wells. When the Mamprusi chief hear this, he said, “then you were better called “builsa”, wells, After this meeting the inhabitants of the area were then referred to as ‘Builsa’ up to this day.
This Amoak is also one of the Protagonists who holds the view that Atuga settled at Kadema-Badiok and not at the place called Atuga-Guuk between Wiaga and Sandema, as other people have it. He also holds the view that Agyabkai left the Mamprusi state because his brothers wanted to kill him.
This man also holds the view that Atuga first settled at Kadema Bagdiok, then he next moved to the place called Atuga- Guuk and finally returned to Bagdiok because he had no prosperity at that place now called Atuga-Guuk.

*5 This information is collected from Mr. Leander Amoak, whom I have already referred to in Appendix 1 (*1) on page 5.
According to him, the original people of the Builsa state first settled by a magic pond or well – “builik’ with its water springing from under the ground like that of a fountain. While they were always waiting to draw the water from this pond for drinking, they often hear thc continuous springing sound of the water. from the pond making Buil buil! buil! and then it changed to buil-i-sa! buil-i-sa! buil-i-sa! Soon the people got used to the sound and began imitating it “bul! buil-i-sa! This then became a household word. As the settlement became expansive, the people found that there were several of those kind of wells or ponds. So thc area was called Builsa after the “buil” buil-i-sa!” sounds from the numerous ponds which were increasing in great numbers as thc settlement expanded. this name has remained as the name of the area till this day.

*6 This information is collected from Aboora and Akardem. These two men both share the same view on the immigration of
Atuga’s father from the Mamprusi state.
Aboora is from Longsa, a section of Wiaga, He is between 55 and 60 years old. His father has been one of the early traders in the state and had travelled far and wide outside the state. He might have come across a good number of people from other states and so might have heard a lot of stories about them. According to Abooru himself his father died when he (Aboora) was quite of age and so he has heard a lot of stories from his father about the state. Aboora is well respected for his undisputable knowledge about the traditions of the state.
Akardem is an old man of Central Wiaga. This section is
p. 44
called Yisobsah-Dogblinsa, The people of this section are regarded as the rightful owners of the land of Wiaga. Akardem’s father was
one of the early lords or “earth priests” of Wiaga. Akardem is therefore regarded in a large circle of people as a person vested in the traditions of the state. He is between 70 and 76 years of age.
According to these two men, Atuga was the son of Agyabkai and Apoomsebfanyese. Agyabkai was the eldest son of the Mamprusi chief at Nalerigu. In their opinion Agyabkai wanted to overthrow his father to become the chief instead. But his father noticed his intention in time and so wanted to kill him. However, Agyabkai also realised that his father was after his block and was therefore always almost at large. When his father failed to trap him, he denounced him as a son. Agyabkai and his family together with some followers therefore left the Mamprusi state for safety. From the Mamprusi state they moved along the south-eastern boundary through Waung and Kpesinkpe and then went to settle at Salaga.
But Salaga as a centre of trade, slave market and generally a hot place to live, they next moved from there and came to settle at Walewale. Here, Agyabkai got married to Apoomsebfenyese and gave birth to Atuga, After a very long period of stay at Walewale, Agyabkai died and left Atuga and his mother and followers there. By then Atuga was quite of age and so he assumed leadership of the group. Atuga and his followers were deprived of enough land to do farming. so they moved from Walewale, passing through the Nankani-Gurensi land and Niaga and finally came to settle at the place called today as Kadema-Badiok.
There, Atuga and his men met the Builiba who readily received them as their brothers and gave them land and they settled peacefully among them. After some time Atuga got married to Amwanyasalie from Tankansa and gave birth to four sons, Akaresa, Awiak, Assandem and Asenee, who became the founders of the present Kadema, Wiaga, Sandema and Siniensi. these four villages form the Atuga clan group in the Builsa state.

*7 This information is collected from Akaduk-Anasarek and cross-checked from Akardem, Aboora, Adum Asaghe and Mr. Leander Amoak whom I have already referred to more than once.
Akarduk-Anasarek is an elderly man from Wiaga-Guuta. He is aged between 63 and 68. His father was one of the early traders in the state. When Asarek was of age, he had the chance of travelling with him from place to place. People hold him as one of the knowledgeable persons in the traditions of the state.
According to Akardem, Aboora, Adum-Asaghe, Mr. Leander Amoak and Akarduk-Anasarek, who all hold the same view on the name of Atuga’s four sons, when Atuga got married and had his four sons, he could not name them from the on set. But then one
p. 45
day he went hunting and happened to kill a cow. When the woe [cow?] was brought home and skinned, he asked the people to cut it into reasonable chunks. When this was done, he took the chance to test the intelligence of his sons by asking them to choose the chunk of the cow they liked best in turns. The first son chose the bony legs, shins, known as “Karesa”. When they asked him why he chose the ‘karesa’ he said they were strong and the cow used them in walking.
The second son chose a whole thigh, known as “Wiek” and cut it into pieces. When he was asked the reason for his choice and process, he said he wanted to preserve it for future use because it was too much for a day’s meal; Moreover, it was not easy to come by meat everyday. The process of preservation is known as “Wiarka”. This showed sense of wisdom in him and he was referred to as the wisest of all the four sons, after they had all made their choice.
The third born chose the bladder known as “Sinsamluik”. His reason was that there was water in it. The fourth and last born chose the chest called “Sunum” and cut it into. pieces for roasting on fire which he had prepared for eating on the spot. The process of roasting and eating of the pieces of meat is known as “Seneeka” or “Seliensika”. His reason was that the meat was meant to be used as food and so must be eaten. Through this he was able to get names for all his four sons.
The first son chose bonny legs ” karek-karesa – so he was called Akardem. The second son chose the thigh and cut it into pieces for preservation – thigh- Wiek, perservation- Wiarka, so he was called Awiark or Awiak, The third son chose bladder – Sinsamluik-
Asinsam and so he was called Asamdam – short form of Asinsam. Lastly the fourth son chose the chest and cut it into pieces to toast and eat on the spot – seneeka – or sellensika- selsensi-sense and so he was also called Asinieng, These his four sons – Akardem, Awiak, Asamdem and Asinieng grew up to give their names to the present day Kadema, Wiaga, Sandema and Siniensi, the four Atuga clan villages in the Builsa state.

*8 This information is collected from Mr. Joseph Atiim from Kanjarga. He has been one of the first persons to attend the first Government Primary School in the state and later at the Tamale Boys’ Senior School for the Northern Territories. This is now the Tamale Secondary School, former Government Secondary School. He has therefore, a mature mind about the traditions of the state by virtue of his early experience as an educated person. He is between 40 and 44. He is a senior teacher and the head teacher of the Builsa Middle Boarding and Continuation School. His information has been cross-checked with Mr. Leander Amoak, Adum Asaghe, Akardem Aboora and several others from the four villages of Atuga
p. 46
and all seem to share his view on chiefship in the state.
According to him and his protagonists, the idea of chiefship appears to be a borrowed term from the Mamprusis who called
their chief “Na”. The term might have been ancestory inheritance because most Builsas traced their origin to the Mamprusis. So a person who seemed to exert some ruling power was called “Nab” or chief. It was generally the “earth priests” teng-nyam who exerted ruling powers over the people on ancestory lines as if he had his powers from the Mamprusi state – their ancestory state. but these sort of rulers were regarded as rulers on religious terms.
Later on same plutocrats (Dobreba) rose up and by virture of their wealth seised power to rule as “nalema” or chiefs. Thus the saying “nanta nyono le nab”, meaning a wealthy man is obviously a chief, which has remained with the Builsas up to this day. These plutocrats were often approved by the people as leaders on the basis of the sort of leadership they gave. However, there was no guarantee that one plutocrat or a group of plutocrats could rule as “nalema” forever.
The rule by the “earth priests” with delegated ancestory powers from the Mamprusi state was known as “naik naam”, that is to say ancestory chiefship, this was because these ‘earth priests” claimed that they had their divine powers to rule from the people’s ancestory land.
According to Akardem, the people who were ruling with ancestory powers in some of the villages before the coming of the Europeans to the Builsa state were: Akomwab at Kadema, Awuumi of Yimonsa at Wiaga, Anamkum at Sandema, Abaagyie at Siniensi, Anapagye-Achoata-Atibilat Kanjarga and Anyiamjutee at Fumbisi,
But with the arrival of the whitemen, there was a change from traditional chiefship to Europeanised chiefship because the traditional leaders were not ready to co-operate with the whites, they were never on the spot to meet these Europeans when they arrived. They could not provide carriers to carry their luggage and so on. While there was this sort of board pulling relations between
the traditional leaders and their white visitors, there were people in the various villages of the state who were often ready to meet the whitemen to give them the needed help. The whitemen could not fail to notice these men with leadership qualities and co-operative spirit. So when the whitemen came to have full control in the state they did not hesitate to do away with these uncompromising traditional leaders.
This interruptions by the Europeans then gave birth to modem
chiefship in the state. People who became the first Europeanised chiefs in some of the villages in the state were: Atigbiurou at Kadema, Ateng at Wiaga, Anamkum still remained chief of Sandema Abadiin at Sinienai, Ankangnab at Kanjarga and Ayaagyig at Fumbisi. With these changes in leaders, the chiefs then ruled on modern lines. However, there was still that feeling of ancestory powers, so although the chiefs were chosen by Europeans, they
p. 46
still had to go to Nalerigu and Kpensinkpe for confirmation by the Mamprusi chief. This was necessary because the people wished to rule with the consent of their ancestors.

*9 Sergeant Akanluba Adamu is a person who has seen services in both the gold Coast Regiment as a soldier and later on as a Policeman. As a soldier he saw action in both the First and Second World Wars – 1914-1918 and 1939-1945. According to him most Builsa soldiers saw action in these two wars. According to him, the Builsas (then popularly known as Kanjargas) were described as ‘the men who never fear death”. As regard the recruitment of soldiers for the Second World War, he quoted the paramount chief Mr. Azantilow as saying “if thousand Builsas are killed in this war I will give another thousand”. This was after a British Officer came to the state and recommended the bravery of the Builsas to him and requested that he should get ready for further supply of soldiers for the Gold Coast Regiment.

Akankyalabey, Pauline: A History of the Builsa People

(Legon 1984)
Dissertation… for the Award of the B.A. Degree

(Note F.K.: Since the whole thesis is concerned with Bulsa history, we have not printed all significant passages, but have enlisted something like a summary or index. Her main results can also be found in Akankyalabey 2005, following the part)

Introduction: vi: …the Builsas never developed the art of the drummer… [to preserve] their history…
Chapter one: The origins and migrations of the Builsa People (1-23)
p. 1-3: derivation of the name “Builsa” (section of Kadema…; bulik, well);
p. 4: the name “Kanjargas”
p. 5: a “hotch-potch” people (Rattray)
p. 6: Ananiteng (in Zamsa) as the founding ancestor of the indigenous Builsa…
p. 7: indigenous people: Kadema: Builiba, Tengdagrisa, Achianbisa, Taaba and Kovarensa,
Wiaga: Kperengse, Komdem, Chamdem, Tankansa (founder Atankang); Sandema: Badiinsa, Kanaansa, Bambalsa; people of Vare (extinct). …all claim that their ancestors came from the sky
p. 8ff: immigrants: four main immigrant groups between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries: Kasem-Isala speaking group from the north, a Sisala group from the west, a Mole-speaking group from the Tallensi area and a Mamprulli group from the south and south-west
p. 9: blacksmith sections in: Kanjarga, Chuchuliga, Fumbisi, Sandema, Wiaga; all taboo the cricket pang.
p. 10: Sisala immigrants… came mainly from Santejan (or Kong). Some settled at… Kanjarga, others at Dongning and Sandema where they founded… Kandem
Dogninga: founder Adogning, a hunter who probably migrated from the Nankanni area. He first settled in Kandiga… rode on a bushcow to the present Dogninga; killed people and settled there with his family
p. 11: Other versions of the origin of Dogninga say that its founder come from Wiaga or Kadem, while other claim that Dogninga was an offshoot of Kanjarga.
immigrants of the area of Tongo; … the descendants … are those of Agoak or Along in Wiaga and especially the people of Gbedema, where Atong founded an off-shoot of… the external bogar near Tengsugu
p. 12: …two groups of immigrants… from the east or south-east… related to the Mamprusi…
One of them have Atuga as their founding father. He was a Mamprusi prince who left Nalerigu and settled at Atuga-guuk (near Sandema Junior Boarding School). His sons founded the four major villages of Sandema, Wiaga, Kadema and Siniensi.
The other group which also migrated from Mamprusi land was led by Afia and they founded Fumbisi from where later the people of Kategra branched off. In addition, a man called Akunjong is said to have left Nalerigu, settled at Kpasinkpe and he or his son later founded Kanjarga. There are, however, conflicting traditions relative to the foundation of Kanjarga (see Rattray, p. 400).
p. 14: …the story of the lone hunter who founded the settlement of Dogninga…
…when the immigrants came to the Builsas, they were welcomed by the indigenous people who gave them land to settle… Soon the immigrants adopted the Builsa language and (p.15) the Builsa way of life.
(p. 15)… some of the pre-existing people migrated to Kologu in the east, Naga in the west, Nakong and Katiuk in the north and others to Sisala-land.

THE POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC ORGANISATION
p. 15-23 (no detailed excerpts here): … the position of the teng-nyono; the wealthy men (dobroba); clans; sections; the compound; marriage; system of inheritance patrilineal; agriculture; blacksmiths

CHAPTER TWO: TOWARDS THE FORMATION OF A BUILSA STATE (1700-1897)
p. 24: …Atuga’s father was an elder son of the Nayiri of Mamprusi. He was called Agurima but other traditions refer to him as Agyabkai or Wurama (cf. Cardinall p. 11).
p. 25:
(1) …Agurima was undermining his father with an aim of deposing him and becoming chief of Mamprusi.. he seduced the most beloved wife of his father
(2)…Agurima moved away from the Mamprusi state because he disagreed with his father about the question of circumcision… Agurima refused to have his children circumcised…
p. 26: (3) — dispute among Agurima’ brothers..[who] planned to kill him
(4) According to G.A. Achaab, “the migration occurred during a war between Mamprugu and Dagbon. While fighting, the Nayiri decided to build a wall of protection around Nalerigu. The wall was to be built with a mixture of earth, shea-butter and honey to make it stronger. Atuga, a prince, set out to find the honey. he, however, got lost in the bush and in his wandering came to Kadema where he settled with one Abuluk ( Inf. G.A. Achaab).
(5) Atuga was a good and kind man… His brothers were envious of this… They seized Atuga ‘s pregnant wife and ripped her belly open. This resulted in a fight (p. 27) between atuga and his brothers… Atuga mounted a horse which took him to the Gambaga scarp… [then] they moved to Salaga… From Salaga they moved to Walewale where Agurima died… then Atuga assumed leadership and moved to Kpesinkpe (Inf. Sandemnab to Schott, p. 9).
p. 28:
Views: Atuga settled in “Bag diak (Kadema; Inf. Lewis Awiadem and Awuchansa) or at Atuga Guuk. His grave at Atuga Guuk marked by a tree called “Atuga-pusik.
p. 29: The Growth and Expansion of Atuga’s clan
Atuga married a woman from Tankangsa called Amwanyagsalie. …other versions: … married a daughter of Abuluk. Anecdote about animal meat….
p. 31: Political, Social and Economic Change (1700-1897)
earthpriests.. chiefs with limited power…
p. 33: traditional chiefs of Wiaga: Awuumi and Anankansa of Yimonsa; Yimonsa was founded by Ayimoning, Awiak’s son.
p. 34: Akomwob, a descendant of Akaa became chief of Kadema; Abaagyi, a descendant of Asenee or Asenieng became chief of Siniensi. Sandema: Ananguna and Anankum.
Kanjaga: Atibil; Fumbisi: Anyiamjutee, Gbedema: Atong. But since the ancestors Atibil and Atong did not come from Mamprusi, they did not go there for the “naam”. Atong is said to have gone to Tongo while Atibil might have gone to Sisala land for his “naam” (Lewis Awiadem).
colonial administration brought the Builsas under Mamprugu in 1912.
p. 37: The people of Bachonsa assert that their grandfathers came from Wiaga under Afeok who met some Kasena on the land. …the people of Fumbisi drove the Wiasi people away to where they are now,
p. 38: economy, local crafts…
p. 40: The Zabarima Invasion of Builsa (after Holden…)
p. 44: …the raids of Babatu led to the union of the Builsas. …decision to unite under Sandema have Sandem as the capital.

p. 45:
CHAPTER THREE: The contact with Europe (1897-1951)
p. 46: Delafosse: “Le 14 Mars 1897, avec l’aide de partisans Gourounsi le lieutenant Chanoise battait Babatu a Gandiaga”
p. 48 Political Change in Builsa
1902 Punitive expedition (see original source)
p. 51: The following Builsa chiefs are among those who resigned or were forced out of offices; Akomwob of Kadema, Awumi of Wiaga, Abaagyi of Yekpenyeri Siniensi, Atibil of Kanjaga and Anyimjutee of Fumbisi (Leander Amoak).
At Kadema, Atigbuirou was enskinned as the official chief in place of Akomrob. At Wiaga, Ateng Abooma of Yisobsa was made chief in place of Awuumi of Yimonsa.
p. 52: …at Siniensi, Abadiia Akpiok was appointed chief in place of Abagy. Akninkangnab took the place of Atibil as chief of Kanjarga, while at Fumbisi, Anyiamjutee was replaced by Ayaagyig.
In 1907, the British replaced the military administration with a civil one. Administrative districts were created and Builsa came under the Navrongo Administrative District.
…on 23rd September 1911, Ayieta… was elected paramount chief (Navrongo Districts Record Book, NAG Adm. 63/5/1)
p. 53: …creation of the Native Authority Areas, hegemony of Mamprugu
p. 54: In 1912, Native Authority Areas were created and the Builsas were placed under the Mamprusi Native Authority Area. …the Nayiri became head of the North-eastern province, that is South Mamprusi, Kusasi, Zuarungu and Navrongo Districts. … the Nayiri continued to confirm the elections of Builsa chiefs. The Sandemnab presided over the elections of the chiefs.
p. 55 .The chiefs of Kategra, Jaadem and Kunkuaga preferred the more experience Azinab of Wiaga as paramount chief to the youthful Ayieta… Thus when the Chief Azinab declined to contest the paramountship, they were disappointed. …deposition of the chief of Kanjarga was seriously considered by the District Commissioner.
p. 57f.: (relation to Mamprusi): The chiefs favoured the formation of a separate Builsa division with the Sandem-nab as the president. This decision was derived at meeting held on 19 May, 1934 (came into effect 1st September 1934. … a Builsa Native Authority , a Native Tribunal and a Native Treasures were recognized.
p. 58: Builsa Native Tribunal… with the Sandema-nab as the presiding members. …membership limited up to five…
p. 59: A Builsa Native Treasury was established in Sandema under the Native Treasury Ordinance, 1936. [It]… functioned under the leadership of the Sandem-nab Azantilow until 1951 when the Native Administrations were replaced by District Council and responsibility transfered from the Native Authorities to the Local Councils.
p. 60A Social and Economic Changes
p. 63: A Native Dispensary was opened only in 1937 by the Native Authorities
p. 64: By 1920, a road was constructed from Sandema through Wiaga to Kanjarga and Fumbisi.
… Many Builsa were also enlisted in the Gold Coast Regiment which was formed in 1900. Some of these saw action in Togo, East Africa, India and Burma as members of the West African Frontier Force during the two World Wars.
p. 65: … opening a primary school in 1930 and a dispensary in the 1940 (by White Fathers)
p. 66: … the Kantosis settled in Sandema and Siniensi in the first two decades of the twentieth century.
Bullock-drawn implements were introduced to the Builsa farmers but no interest was shown by the people until the 1950 and 60s.
p. 67: 1935 and 1936 about 200 bulls bred at Pong Tamale were issued to chiefs and farmers in Bulsa and Kusasi for the development of the local breed.
p. 68: Markets were opened in all the Builsa villages and towns. Those in the towns were provided with sheds by the Native Administration.
p. 69: CONCLUSION
p. 71: …the British introduced new foods for example rice which is now a staple…
…Western education has afforded the native the possibility of taking down his own history and particularly allows him to see European rule as an interaction between two sets of people rather than as gods dealing with sub-human beings.

p. 73: APPENDIX; PRIMARY SOURCES (LIST OF INFORMANTS)
1. Mr Abaseba G. Achaab, 45 years, from Kadema, interview: 11/10/82; occupation: teaching
2. Mr. Aboora, 70-75 years; interview: 13/10/82, occupation: farming; Wiaga-Longsa
3. Adum Asaghe: 70-75 years; interview: 15/10/82; occupation: farming, Wiaga-Sinyangsa
4. A. Akardem; 75-85 years, interview: 15/10/82; from Wiaga-Yisobsa-Dogbilinsa, his father: teng-nyono
p. 74:
5. A. Awuchana (now dead); 100 years; interview: 6/10/82; Wiaga-Wobilinsa, Wiaga-Chandem
6. Lawrence Amoak, 65-70 years; interview: 10/10/82; retired catechist, now farmer, W-Chandem
7. Leander Amoak, 65-70 years, interview: 19/10/82, retired teacher, Wiaga-Sinyangsa-Badomssa
8. Lewis Awiadem, 65-70 years, interview: 11/19/82, retired catechist, now farmer, Wiaga-Yisobsa

p. 75: BIBLIOGRAPHY (21 publications)

Pauline Akankyalabey:  Geschichte der Bulsa 

In: 15 Frauen und 8 Ahnen. Leben und Glauben der Bulsa in Nordghana. (Eds.) M. Grabenheinrich und S. Klocke-Daffa, Münster 2005, p. 29-37.

German (original) Edition

…Ursprünge und Einwanderungen

p. 30

Wie bei vielen Nachbargruppen beginnt auch die Geschichte der Bulsa mit Erzählungen über ihren Ursprung und Einwanderungen aus anderen Gebieten. Ihre heutige Zusammensetzung resultiert daraus, dass sich ganz verschiedene Ethnien unabhängig voneinander im heutigen Bulsagebiet ansie-

p. 31

delten. Im Laufe der Jahrhunderte schmolzen alle zusammen und wurden schließlich eine selbständige kulturelle und politische Einheit. Leider besitzen wir kaum geschichtliches Quellenmaterial über die Bulsa für die Zeit vor dem 20. Jahrhundert und dem Eintreffen der europäischen Kolonialmächte in Nordghana. Unser heutiges Wissen über die frühe Geschichte und Kultur der Bulsa ist daher auf Relikte beschränkt, wie sie sich in traditionellen religiösen Riten (z. B. bei Heiraten und Totenfeiern) und in mündlichen Überlieferungen finden lassen.

Mit Ausnahme der Pionierarbeiten von Rattray (1932) und den Veröffentlichungen über orale Traditionen (als historische Quellen) durch Schott besteht ein allgemeiner Mangel an geschichtlichen Sekundärquellen über die Bulsa. Andererseits steht uns heute über die Sozialstruktur, politische Organisation und Religion dank der Arbeiten von Schott, Kröger, Heermann, Meier und Blanc umfangreiches Material zur Verfügung2. Relevante Quellen aus der Kolonialzeit sind uns als Archivmaterial in der Form von Akten, Urkunden, Briefen, Berichten, Zeitschriften und Gerichtsprotokollen zugänglich.

Unser Wissen über die frühe Geschichte der Bulsa, ebenso wie über die ihrer Nachbarn, basiert nicht auf Faktenmaterial. Es gibt nicht eine einzige historisch völlig vertrauenswürdige Überlieferung. Die Berichte und Erzählungen dienen alle, wie Schott richtig bemerkt, einem politischen, gesellschaftlichen oder religiösen Zweck, und sie können daher alle nur in ihrem jeweiligen Zusammenhang verstanden werden. Sie dokumentieren ein heute noch lebendiges historisches Bewusstsein der Bulsa (SCHOTT 1977: 152).

Schott fand jedoch heraus, dass es sogar innerhalb eines Dorfes unterschiedliche, ja sogar widersprüchliche Versionen historischer Traditionen gibt. Die populärste Ursprungsmythe berichtet vom Entstehen des Atuga-Clans und der Gründung der vier großen Bulsa-Dörfer Sandema, Wiaga, Kadema und Siniensi. Hiernach verließ Atuga, ein Prinz aus der Mamprusi-Hauptstadt Nalerigu, zusammen mit seiner Familie seine Heimat und siedelte an einem Ort, der heute noch Atuga-pusik heißt und zwischen Sandema und Wiaga liegt. Seine vier Söhne Akam, Awiak, Asam und Asinieng gründeten Kadema, Wiaga, Sandema und Siniensi, und deren Söhne sind die Gründer weiterer Untersektionen dieser Dörfer. Sie vermischten sich mit der dort ansässigen Urbevölkerung und nahmen deren Sprache an.

In seiner kurzen Studie über die Bulsa-Traditionen kommt Rattray zu dem Schluss, dass die Bulsa ein Mischlingsvolk (“hotch-potch people”) aus verschiedenen Sprachgruppen sind.

p. 32

Wir haben weder schlüssige Beweise oder Erklärungen für die Züge der Einwanderer, noch wissen wir, wann sie stattfanden und welchem Druck sie gewichen sind. Jedoch ist bekannt, dass die Zeit vom 15. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert eine unruhige Zeit des politischen und sozialen Umbruchs in ganz Nordghana war: Das Entstehen der zentralistischen Königreiche in näherer und weiterer Nachbarschaft der Bulsa (Dagomba, Mamprusi, Nanumba, Gonja, Wa und Mossi), die Einflussnahme des Ashanti-Reiches auf ihre nördlichen Nachbarn und der transatlantische Sklavenhandel hatten sicher einen großen Einfluss auf die demographischen Strukturen Nordghanas.

Die frühe soziale und politische Organisation im Bulsaland 

Eine Folge der Einwanderungswellen war, dass die Bulsa seitdem aus zwei großen Abstammungsgruppen bestehen, die friedlich Seite an Seite leben. Es sind die Nachkommen der Urbevölkerung und die Nachkommen Atugas und anderer Einwanderungsgruppen. Allen gemeinsam ist, dass sie in Verwandtschaftverbänden leben, die sich vom Clan bis hin zum einzelnen Gehöft in viele Einzelgruppen verzweigen, ohne dass dieses System eigentlich eines starken Häuptlingstums bedurfte. Über einen jeweils größeren Siedlungsverband hatte wenigstens früher ein Erdherr oder Erdpriester einen starken Einfluss, vor allem im religiösen Leben. Oft war er ein Nachkomme der ursprünglichen Bewohner. Seine Hauptaufgabe bestand darin, als Mittler zwischen den Menschen und der Erde zu walten. Als Aufseher und Opferer der Erdheiligtümer, der nach Bulsa-Glauben streng auf die Einhaltung der Moral und besonderer Tabuvorschriften achtete, hatte er Einfluss auf viele Dinge des täglichen Lebens und war für das Wohlergehen seiner Gemeinschaft mitverantwortlich.

Der Erdherr war aber nicht die einzige Autorität im vorkolonialen Bulsaland. Die Nachkommen Atugas sollen angeblich eine Art Häuptlingstum errichtet haben, das sie in einer sakralen Form noch an ihr Ursprungsland und an den Häuptling der Mamprusi (Nayiri) gebunden hat.

Die Bulsa-Häuptlinge besaßen ebenso wie die Erdherren eine rituelle Autorität. Sie konnten Land verteilen, in Streitfällen des eigenen Clans vermitteln und sogar im Falle eines Angriffs von außen Krieger zur Verteidigung des Landes rekrutieren. Es muss jedoch betont werden, dass der Häuptling

p. 33

keine politische Verfügungsgewalt über Personen hatte, die nicht zu seinem Clan oder seiner Verwandtschaftsgruppe gehörten. Dieser Mangel an ausübender Gewalt auf Seiten der Häuptlinge passte der britischen Kolonialverwaltung nicht in ihr Konzept und führte zu der Vermutung, dass die Bulsa und andere Ethnien früher überhaupt keine Häuptlinge hatten und dass das ganze Gebiet sich in einem gesetzlosen Zustand befand (DER 2000). In den mündlichen Bulsa-Überlieferungen wird jedenfalls berichtet, dass alle Dörfer des Atuga-Clans schon eine Art Häuptlingstum kannten.

Die Sklavenjagden der Zabarima und der Übergang zur kolonialen Epoche 

Schriftliche Quellen berichten, dass Sklavenjagden im heutigen Nordghana schon seit dem 18. Jahrhundert stattfanden (AWEDOBA 1985, S. 57). Der Brite Bowdich, der 1817 Kumasi besuchte, berichtete, dass das Königreich Dagomba (Nordghana) jedes Jahr 500 Sklaven und andere Güter als jährlichen Tribut an das Ashanti-Reich senden musste (BOWDICH 1819, S. 320). Auch Goody schreibt, dass Völker des heutigen Nordghana von Mossi (heute in Burkina Faso) und den südlicheren Königreichen überfallen wurden (GOODY 1967). Übereinstimmend aber erklären die genannten Quellen, dass die frühen Sklavenjagden weder das militärische noch das räumliche Ausmaß der Zabarima-Raubzüge zwischen 1894 und 1898 erreichten.

Die Zabarima (auch Djerma genannt, aus dem Gebiet des heutigen Niger), die zum ersten Mal in den 1860er Jahren als Pferdehändler und Kaufleute bei den Dagomba-Häuptlingen auftraten, errichteten später ihr Hauptquartier in Kasana (bei Tumu). Sie fühlten sich nun unabhängig von den Dagomba und überfielen von dort benachbarte Ethnien. Unter ihrem späteren Anführer Babatu erreichten die Sklavenjagden ihren Höhenpunkt. Die Zabarima mit ihren Hilfstruppen aus Nordghana griffen ein Dorf nach dem anderen an, töteten die Häuptlinge, nahmen Männer und Frauen gefangen, verkauften sie als Sklaven und beschlagnahmten ihre ganze Habe: Vieh, Getreidevorräte usw. Aber die Völker Nordghanas waren nicht immer so wehrlos wie oft angenommen. Unter Führung des Sandema-Häuptlings sollen vereinigte Bulsa-Truppen die Zabarima zweimal geschlagen haben (MORRIS 1902).

p. 34

1901 erklärte Großbritannien Nordghana zum Protektorat. Allgemein lässt sich sagen, dass die Briten den Norden vernachlässigten und seine Entwicklung wenig förderten. Sie nahmen an, dass die Nordterritorien wirtschaftlich nichts einbrachten, da man hier im Vergleich zu Südghana weder Bodenschätze ausbeuten noch landwirtschaftliche Überschüsse erzielen konnte.

Da die Zabarima-Überfälle das Land politisch, wirtschaftlich und sozial zerrüttet hatten, hielt die Verwaltung es für dringend erforderlich, dass alle weiteren Fehden und Überfälle eingestellt wurden, damit in einem befriedeten Land ein neuer Handel und Wandel aufblühen konnte. Dieses erreichten die Briten zum Teil dadurch, dass sie Strafexpeditionen gegen angebliche Unruhestifter durchführten, um die Bevölkerung ganz unter ihre Kontrolle zu bekommen. Zwei solcher Expeditionen wurden gegen die Leute von Sandema ausgeschickt mit dem Erfolg, dass sich schließlich der Häuptling von Sandema ergab und um die britische Flagge bat.

Die Kolonialverwaltung brauchte nicht nur Rekruten, sondern auch Menschen, die Lasten trugen und Straßen, Bahnhöfe und Rasthäuser für sie bauten. Schon 1906 begann man, Arbeiter für die Goldbergwerke von Tarkwa im Süden anzuheuern. Um 1917 bestätigten die Behörden, dass ungefähr 90% der Polizisten aus Northerners (Leute aus dem Norden) bestand. Obwohl das beständige Anheuern von Arbeitskräften für Bergwerke und Eisenbahnen des Südens schädlich für die Leute im Norden war, argumentierten die Kolonialbeamten, dass dieses ein geeignetes Mittel war, “sich eine aufgeklärtere Weitsicht anzueignen als es bei einem lebenslangen Aufenthalt innerhalb der Grenzen eines kleines Distriktes” möglich gewesen wäre (HOWELL1997, S. 40). 1927 wurde dem Anheuern von Arbeitskräften endgültig ein Ende gesetzt. Die Kolonialbehörden sahen ein, dass die Politik der Zwangsarbeit jeden wirtschaftlichen Fortschritt in der Heimat der Arbeiter blockierte (THOMAS 1973).

Aus dem Bedarf an Arbeitskräften für die Briten ergab sich die Notwendigkeit, geeignete Führer zu finden, die diese Arbeiter rekrutierten. Zu ihrem Ärger besaßen die meisten traditionellen Führer nicht genug politische Macht, auf ihre Leute Zwang auszuüben. Die britischen Beamten verkannten jedoch die Machtbefugnis der Häuptlinge und beschwerten sich beständig über die Unfähigkeit der Häuptlinge, angemessen zu regieren. Als Ausweg aus diesem Dilemma blieb der Kolonialverwaltung nichts anderes übrig als die Autorität der Häuptlinge zu stärken, neue Häuptlingstümer zu schaffen

p. 35

und, falls notwendig, unbotmäßige Häuptlinge abzusetzen (RATTRAY 1932). Hierdurch wurde der Charakter des Häuptlingstums verändert: Aus einer eher religiösen wurde in stärkerem Maße eine politische Einrichtung. Die Häuptlinge und Unterhäuptlinge wurden in Stellungen befördert und mit Autorität versehen, wie sie niemals zuvor in der Bulsa Geschichte bekannt waren. Dieses führte in einigen Fällen zum Missbrauch ihrer Macht, die sich durch Korruption und Unterdrückung der Untertanen äußerte. Die Einführung der Geldwirtschaft und die Besteuerung der Bevölkerung führte dazu, dass viele Menschen nach Süden migrierten, um dort Geld zu verdienen, weil es im Norden zu wenige Arbeitsplätze gab. 1911 rief die Kolonialadministration eine Versammlung aller Bulsa-Häuptlinge ein, und Ayieta Ananguna, der Häuptling von Sandema, wurde zum Paramount Chief (etwa gleichbedeutend mit Oberhäuptling oder König) aller Bulsa befördert. 1934 wurde das Bulsaland eine eigene Verwaltungseinheit (Bulsa Native Authority Area) mit einem eigenen Gericht (Native Tribunal) unter dem Paramount Chief .

Westliche Schulbildung und Christentum

Die Einstellung der Kolonialregierung gegenüber der Einführung westlicher Schulbildung im Norden war eher zurückhaltend, um so die Macht der traditionellen Institutionen zu erhalten. Lediglich die Kirchen unterhalten einige wenige Schulen. Die Konsequenz daraus war eine erhebliche und bis heute bemerkbare Bildungsbenachteiligung des Nordens gegenüber den Ashantigebieten und dem Süden (THOMAS 1975, S.427).

Tatsächlich verdanken viele der ersten gebildeten Bulsa und darüber hinaus viele andere Bewohner Nordghanas ihre Ausbildung den Weißen Vätern, die sich 1906 erstmals in Navrongo niederließen und 1907 eine Schule eröffneten. Trotz eines anfänglichen Misstrauens und Desinteresses seitens der Bevölkerung stieg die Nachfrage kontinuierlich an, jedoch wurden die Bemühungen der Weißen Väter um neue Stationen und Schulgründungen von der Kolonialverwaltung kategorisch abgelehnt.

Erst 1927 erhielten die Weißen Väter die Erlaubnis, eine Schule in Wiaga (Bulsaland) zu eröffnen. 1936 eröffnete die Bulsa Native Authority auf Drängen des Sandema-Häuptlings eine eigene Grundschule in Sandema. Bis 1932 gab es in den gesamten Northern Territories lediglich vier Missionsschulen und vier staatliche Grundschulen, eine Junior Trade School und eine weiterführende Schule, während allein das Ashantigebiet 46 staatliche und 68 nicht-staatliche Schulen zählte. Die restriktive Politik dieser Zeit wurde in den 30er Jahren gelockert, als eine stärkere Missionstätigkeit im Norden zugelassen wurde. Die Weißen Väter nutzten die Gelegenheit für die Gründung von Missionsstationen und Schulen auch in anderen Teilen des Protektorats.

Insgesamt wirkte sich die Politik der Kolonialadministration negativ auf die Verbreitung von Schulen und westlicher Schulbildung im Norden aus. Darüber hinaus hatte sie auch ihren Anteil an der geringen Beteiligung von Mädchen am Schulsystem. Das anfängliche allgemeine Desinteresse der Kolonialbehörden, Mädchen für den Schulbesuch zu gewinnen, sowie die Zurückhaltung der Eltern, ihre Töchter zur Schule zu schicken, drückt sich anschaulich in Zahlen aus: Bis 1920 waren von den insgesamt 243 Schülern in den gesamten Northern Territories lediglich 9 Mädchen, bis 1938 hatten nur 38 Mädchen dieser Region den Standard VII Level erreicht. In Ashanti waren es zur gleichen Zeit 337. Abschließend kann man festhalten, dass der Norden im Hinblick auf die Schulbildung – insbesondere von Mädchen – im Vergleich zum Süden stark benachteiligt war, was bis heute Auswirkungen hat.

Akankyalabey, Melanie (Ed., Sub Committee Chairperson)

[The Catholic Mission of Wiaga] Title Page missing

(Note F.K: Only a raw draft with handwritten additions and corrections was available to me, some of which were illegible in my copies. Cf. also, BULUK no 4 (2005) Main Feature: Religions and Missions among the Bulsa, F. Kröger: pp. 44-48; M. Abaala (History of Wiaga Clinic): pp. 49-50).

p. 4 (?)
History of Wiaga Parish (St. Francis Xavier)
Introduction
Wiaga Parish was the third parish to be opened in the Navrongo-Bolgatanga Diocese in April 1927 by the White Fathers (Missionaries of Africa) under the pastorship of Rev. Father Dagenais, Rev. Father Champagne and Rev. Brother Albert.
The White Fathers Society was founded in 1868 in Algeria by a Frenchman (Cardinal Lavigerie, the Archbishop of Algiers.
They began to evangelise from North Africa down the Sahara Desert to the Sudan with a Caravan – when suddenly they were attacked and killed by the Tuaregs…
In 1899, Rev. Father Chollet (Superior of the White Fathers) together with Rev. Father Oscar Morin succeeded to settle at Navrongo in 1906 to open the 1st Parish in the Northern Territories.
The Vatican Authorities from Rome wanted to separate the Catholic Missions of the English Colonies of the Northern Territories to have their own control and supervision.
An Apostolic Vicar was appointed (Rev. Bishop Oscar Morin) the overseer of Missionary Activities in the Northern Territories. He was mandated to open two more parishes in the Northern Territories.
In February 1925, he opened the second Parish in Bolgatanga and two years later the third Parish was opened in Wiaga and named St. Theresa.
Later another new station was opened in Nandom, the White Fathers in Wiaga were transferred from Wiaga to Nandom and the Wiaga parish closed down due to lack of personnel, to little positive impact and little involvement of the traditional people.
In 1939 the set backs were reviewed and the parish re-opened by the Apostolic Vicar (Rev. Bishop Oscar Morin) under …two priests (Rev. Father Contu and Rev. Father Paul Laval).
The Wiaga Parish was then named St. Francis Xavier.

NAMES OF THE WHITE FATHERS WHO HAVE WORKED IN WIAGA PARISH
1. Rev. Bishop Oscar Morin (RIP)
2. Rev. Father Contu (RIP)
3. Rev. Father Laval (RIP)
4. Rev. Father Charles Gagnon (RIP)
5. Rev. Father Glover (RIP)
6. Rev. Father Dazini (RIP)
7. Rev. Father Lamien
8. Rev. Father Philip Marneffe (RIP)
9. Rev. Father Van den Haute
10. Rev. Father van den Hoven (RIP)
11. Rev. Father Guitet
12. Rev. Father Théraut
13. Rev. Father Coningham
14. Rev. Father Kervin
15. Rev. Father Damien
16. Rev. Father Heinrich Kirschner (RIP)
17. Rev. Father Grosskinsky

DIOCESE PRIESTS WHO WORKED IN WIAGA PARISH
1. Rev. Father Richard Pwaman (RIP)
2. Rev. Father Camilo Sarko
3. Rev. Father John Asoedena (RIP)
4. Rev. Father Peter Azenab

WIAGA PARISH NATIVE PRIESTS
No        NAME                          ORDAINED    REMARKS
1. Rev. Father Peter Azenab, 1st April 1962 Laicised
2. Rev. Father Percy Abandin 18th December 1982 RIP
3. Rev. Father Alfred Agyenta 6th August 1988 Further studies
4. Rev. Father Ignatius Anipu 1991 UK
5. Rev. Father Emmanuel Adeboa 29th July 1995 Tanzania
6. Rev. Father Andrew Anab 1996 Niger
7. Rev. Father Caesar Atuire 1997 Rome
8. Rev. Father Joshua Gariba 1998 Accra Diocese
9. Rev. Father David Akanbang 15th July 2001 Bolgatanga
10. Rev. Father Thomas Achambe still to become priest, Congo

OUTSTATIONS
1. Sandema, opened 1952
2. Fumbisi, opened 1945
3. Kanjarga
4. Chuchuliga
5. Wiesi – Gbedembilisa
6. Siniensi – Doninga
7. Kadema Chansa
8. Gbedema

Schools under the supervision of the Catholic Education Unit (CEU) Wiaga Parish
Circuit Pre-schools Primary J.S.S Total
Wiaga Kadema 4 8 2 14
Sandema 1 1 0 2
Chuchuliga 2 2 1 5
Kanjarga 2 2 0 4
Fumbisi 1 1 0 1
Total 10 14 3 27

OTHER SCHOOLS
St: Martin’s De Porres Middle school was established in 1957/58, which later became a continuation and finally a Junior Secondary School in 1997.
Azenab Girls Primary was established in 1970 for only girls.
Wiaga Day Care, which was established in 1980 to take care of the Pre-school pupils (Boys/Girls)
The shepherd schools were established in 1990 by the late Rev. Van den Hoven and late Gerald Atayaaba… Presently these shepherd schools have been mainstreamed into the Regular Education system. They were thirty-one schools spread throughout the District. The total enrolment recorded was 3,854 Children with Boys = 2,451 and Girls = 1,403…

LOCAL MANAGERS
1. Dominic Awindok retired
2. Melanie Akankyalabey 1996 to date

Asianab, Francis Afoko (Private Notes): The Ayietas (1970)

Copied by J. Agalic with permission Nov. 1975, transcribed by Rüdiger Schott (RS), Bonn, April 2005 with some comments by James Agalic  1  Further comments and additions by Franz Kröger (“FK” in footnotes). Further comments and corrections by Robert Asekabta (RA). The page numbers (e.g. p.2, p.3…) refer to Agalic’s and Schott’s copy, not to the original manuscript.

[pages 10 and 11 of the original maunscript are missing!]

footnote 1 (RS)

[?] means 1. writing illegible, 2. sense of the word or the sentence is not clear. Added words or phrases are put in square brackets [ ]. Obvious misspellings have been corrected.

p. 2:

In the days of Abil, founder of Gaadem, lower Sandema, now called Abilyeri, the people recognized Achoek [RS: Achiok?] of Awusuiyeri as chief. Achoek was a strong and wealthy man. He ruled with iron hands and for punishment he would go to the extent of pulling down crops of his subjects.
This chief became so unbearable that the chief makers and subjects came together and deskinned him. In place of Achoek, Abil was made chief. Abil was also a wealthy man who was very liberal and so admired by the people of Sandema. Abil ruled for many years and brought up of a family as shown below:
ABIL
↓
ABACHUA
↓
ANAMBASI
↓
ANAGUNA
↓
APOTEBA
↓
ANAMKUM

From the reign of Abil, succession followed down to Anamkum in about 1850.
It was during the reign of Anamkum that the notorious slave Raider, Babatu started his exploits in this part of the country through the North West by way of Bachongsa.Babatu fought and broke up villages like Bachongsa, Doninga, Vare, Kanjarga and Fumbisi. People fleeing for safety massed into Sandema for help.
Babatu had information and tried to march into the town through Chana. There was a battle between the slave raiders and Sandema people at Fiisa where the raiders were beaten off with heavy casualties. Up to date, the scene of the battle can be easily seen by the remnants of Dane gun butts and barrels left behind by the retreating invaders can still be seen in the area. This did not deter Babatu from making [a] further attempt at breaking up Sandema.
[In the] meantime Anankum had organised the people of Kadema, Wiaga, Siniensi and Sandema into a strong force. And when Babatu next made an attack from Kanjarga

p. 3: – Gbedema direction, one rainy season about harvest time, the battle cry went out and a fierce battle was fought at Suwarinsa bordering Wiaga.
This was the decisive battle and when Babatu lost, he never came back again till the coming of the »white man« to this district. An[d] this was the beginning of the building of the Builsa state with Sandema as the seat of Government about the year 1890.
At about this time there was news of the »white man» in this part of the country. Unfortunately Anankum did not live to see one (white man) before his death. Unlike his predecessors who had [led] a peaceful peasant life, Anankum fought tribal wars and Babatu of legendary [?] Anankum died after a long reign and among his sons were Ayieta who later succeeded him, Adong and Agbanvuuk. By his death, Builsa had lost a protector and Sandema a leader and a father. For almost five years there was no official successor. This vacuum would have lasted longer but for the coming of the white man (the British).

The making of a chief (footnote 2)

[Ayieta]

In 1902, the British administrators in trying to make contact with the district for the first time met resistance. Ayieta led Sandema against them and fought a losing battle outside Bilinsa and Sandema was broken into two [?]. Three years later, in November 1905 under the supervision of Major R. A. Irvine, Ayieta was formally recognized as chief in succession to his late father Anankum. The procedure followed in this ceremony was that the princes or sons of the late chief who were desirous to become chief presented themselves for election. The contestants stand apart, and headmen of the various sections of the town are asked to elect the one they would like
to be made chief. The headmen move and stand behind the candidate of their choice.
Account is taken and the one with a majority is declared elected. In this simple but most democratic way, the chief of the people is elected by the people.
The chief elected is carried home amidst drumming and dancing. At the chief’s house, the new chief elected is handed over to the traditional skin or chief makers, made up of two groups, namely ABANE’S family of Balansa and ABANDO ANGMAPAGISI of Suarinsa. Abando or his representatives are first to receive the chief elect, take him to the ancestral chieftaincy room known as NGIAK-DOK. Here he is kept

(footnote 2) RS: Headline added on top of page 4 of the manuscript. This headline is repeated on top of every page up to page 9 of the manuscript.

p. 4

indoors for seven days within which period he is forbidden to communicate with any person besides the Angmapagisis. He is taught the dos and don’ts of chieftaincy as far as tradition is concerned.
Meantime drumming, dancing and firing of musketry continues depending upon the popularity of the chief elect and his ability to entertain the drummers. The success of this period is usually closely associated with the age group to which the new chief belongs and his sociability in general.
The seventh day is then the climax of the celebrations when the new chief is outdoored. The ceremony of ngiak naam is performed by giving him the naam bogluk, the bagi and the siuk which are the chief fetish[es] of the chieftaincy. The Bagi is the biggest of all the fetishes in front of the chief’s palace and the siuk is the groove of trees about a quarter of a mile off the Palace. No prince swears oath on these two fetishes except on very grave and serious matters of custom.
The new chief is robed with the naam garuk and zutok muning, a blue black large smock, a bangle on his hand and Nabiin soruk [nabiing-soruk] (footnote 3) around his neck. (It is a taboo for a prince of Sandema to wear [the] red fez.) He is finally given the skins of his predecessors if any exist and are in good condition. The smock and fez cap are the symbol[s] of authority as chief, while the bangle on his hand [and the] soruk signifies that the chief is forbidden to take up arms in time of war or strike any person with his hand in anger. Therefore in times of war, the Tugurik-naab, i.e. [the] minister of war personally directs and leads the people in battle. Traditionally Akatuk-yeri in Tankunsa occupies this position.
The outdooring ceremony consists of slaughtering of a bull preferably white at the entrance of the palace and the chief strides over it. Failure to do this is interpreted to mean a short span of reign while success indicates a possible long term of reign.
The bull is skinned together with the tail. The meat is taken by Abano’s family of Balansa and the skin is given to the chief to sit on in all matters of state. On this day, there is real merry making, drumming and dancing, firing of musketry, drinking and eating. Then comes an appointed day to take the Chief to the market or Nak [nag?] tuika (footnote4). The god of the market is a large baobab tree known as Tuik. On this day the

(footnote) 3  nabiing-soruk: »(nabiing majesty, soruk chain of beads) [ … ] spec. chain of beads (with red, white and blue stripes, ‘Rosetta bead’, probably imported; one single bead: soruk-biri«, Franz Kröger: Buli-English Dictionary, 1992, p. 241.

(footnote) 4   magi v. »to beat«, tuik n. »baobab tree (adansonia digitata)« cf. Kröger 1992, p. 241, 360.

p.5

inhabitants of Sandema and the surrounding villages turn out in their best, the well-to-do by local standards on horseback, and lead the Chief to the market for the last ceremony of his enskinment. At the market Abado’s family get someone who touches the trunk of the Tuik and introduces him by announcing: Nya Naaba! meaning »He is a Chief!«5. It is believed that the person who performs this office usually either does not prosper or does not live long. And so a half-wit is often sought to do so.
Back at home, the domestic scene becomes the occupation of the chief. He sits in state to receive his subjects from Sandema and all over the district. It is important to note that where the oldest man of the family is made chief, he combines both duties of head of family and chief together whereby he performs sacrifices to the Gods of the ancestor of the family. He becomes custodian of family property, viz. livestock – cattle, cash and personal effects, and supports all the younger members of the family till they are of age. On the other hand, [illegible?] the chief is not head of family; he concerns himself with matters of state only and rules with the advice of his uncles and brothers as the case may be.
It is interesting to know that no bachelor is ever enskinned chief of Sandema.
Therefore all candidates for election must be married. It is usually at the time the new chief sits in state that friends and well-wishers bring him presents of all kinds including young girls for wives, cows, and clothes
[pages 10 and 11 of the manuscript are missing!]
[text continued on page 12 of the manuscript:]
section is headed by a Headman who accounts to the Sandem-nab and takes orders of the day for the smooth administration of the area. In effect therefore, the headmen in old times were sub-chiefs as they are called Kanbon nab (nalema for the plural) election to which post is by popular vote also. Besides the Kanbon-nalima are Teng-nyam or chief priests (lit. land-owners Teng-dana) whose role is that of [giving] traditional sacrifices to the ancestral gods.
Ayieta was enskinned chief in a new epoch of events entirely different from those of his predecessors. Faced with a) coping with the new power – the British administrators and b) domestic affairs. This was a testing time for the new chief.
At home, he was head of family, having established his own compound and moved from the original family one, i.e. Anant [illegible?]. This is common practice whereby very large families often break away to establish smaller ones for convenience of mixed

footnote 5    Lit. »See« or »Look at a chief!« (RS).

p. 6:
farming and other domestic reasons. Ayieta inherited a large herd of cattle from his father for which he had kraals all over Sandema, particularly Suwarinsa. In 1907, there was a serious conflict between him and Amelizi of Wiak-chook [Wiaga-Chiok”] over
cattle, when Adem, son of Amelizi, robbed 69 cows from Ayieta’s kraal at Suwarinsa. It resulted in a protracted trial at Navrongo and for various reasons ended inconclusively.
To make the new administration of the White Man work well was quite a task as this involved a lot of change and re-organisation, This included primarily combining the various small villages in the area into larger groups for easy administration. To this end, several meetings of time exacting were held between the chief and Captain J. O. Kinealy D.C. [District Commissioner] for Navrongo.
An extract from Capt. J. O. Kinealy’s diary, date 2nd October 1911 reads as follows: [»] Seniority of Chief: At every town I held palavers which were largely attended, and amongst other things, the seniority of chiefs was explained and the benefits derived from combination. [?] The chiefs readily acknowledged them and all expressed their desire of having one Head Chief and following Nalerigu once more, but the difficulty is who should be the Head Chief. They all covet the position. I went carefully into all their claims and came to the conclusion that Sandema and Kanjarga had prior claims.
The former although no longer acknowledged had undoubtedly been considered senior chief in the land before the town was broken up by Babatu. He also is a descendant from a son of the Chief of Nalerigu, the founder of the town of Kanjarga and probably the founder of the present tribe, which as far as can be gathered took their name from the town.
Sandema owes his rise to Babatu’s raids. He and his people succeeded in driving him off with the assistance of the Siniensi, Wiaga and Kadema people whose towns had already been broken up. These people found refuge and safety in Sandema and are in consequence, if not exactly subservient, they are at least indebted to him for their very existence.
At a general assembly of all the chiefs at Kanjarga, I put to the vote. Fumbisi alone supported Kanjarga. Wiaga, Siniensi and Kadema voted for Sandema. Doninga, Uassie [Wiasi], Bachonsi were neutral, being perfectly willing to folIow either. After the election the people were informed that the chief of Nalerigu would have to be consulted on the subject and eventually they would be informed of your decision in the matter.«
p. 7
This extract was a report submitted to the Chief Commissioner for the Northern Territories stationed at Tamale. A few days later, on 15th October 1911, Mr. C. H. Armitage, Acting Chief Commissioner for the Northern Territories wrote: »The election of the Chief of Sandema as Paramount Chief of the Kanjargas approved.« (Confirmed on 1st May 1912.)
»[At] a large palaver at Navrongo on 24th October, copper money was explained to the chiefs and people of the District by Mr. Nash. Chief Ayieta was given 3d [?] in 1d, 3d in 1/2d and 3d in 1/2d denomination for sample.«
The villages, towns and areas of Builsa then included the present geographical markings in addition to Katigra, Kunkwaa and those towns situated between the Sisili and the Volta rivers.
The confirmation of Ayieta of Sandema as Paramount Chief of the Kanjargas in May 1912 should have seen the end for power struggle, but that was not the case. Selfish people who are self-seeking especially when it is for power are known for stopping at nothing and using all me ans fair or foul to achieve or satisfy their aims.
About this time, some people from Kanjarga, Fumbisi and Katigra got in touch
with the chief of Kpesinkpe who, after taking cows from them, purported to have had authority from Nalerigu to make them chiefs of their respective villages and towns. On their return they tried to assume office as chiefs, and [there] was trouble all over the places and several complaints were made to the D.C. at Navrongo.
On 4th June 1912, an inquiry revealed that the chief on Kpesingkpe, assisted by messengers from the court of the Nayiri, held a meeting at Kpesingkpe on 12th May 1912 and after duping them of cattle, knowing that they were malcontents, told them they had been made chiefs by order of the Nayiri. For this unlawful meeting and its subsequent proceedings and results, the Nayiri was fined £25 (Cedis 50.00) and the chief of Kpesinkpe was also fined £5 £10 [?] (Cedis 20.00) and self-seekers arrested and detained. It will be recalled that during the slave raids of Babatu, Kanjarga town was one of the worse hit and therefore many of her sons and daughters were taken and sold into slavery. When the White Man arrived on the scene and slavery was abolished, many of those sold into slavery regained their freedom once again. Many of them joined the service of the British administration as soldiers and constabulary of the Gold Coast army and police. These people portrayed [?] Kanjarga when they were asked what their names were. Thus all who spoke the same dialect whether such people came from Bachungsi [Bachonsi] or any other towns which were broken up by Babatu were all termed as Kanjargas.
p. 9
and his town was broken up.« From all this account one is left in no doubt whatsoever that chief Ayieta’s reign was not shrewn [strewn] with roses. His term of office was one of consolidation of the building of the present-day Builsa state which he helped to do with credit.
Back on the domestic scene, Ayieta had brought up a sizable family of 16 males and well over 21 females. By Builsa custom nothing much important is placed on the females of a family in that they can neither perform sacrifices nor inherit. They are regarded as belongings of their husband’s family where their offsprings are the heirs of
their parents. A lot of Ayieta’s sons in order of seniority is given below:
1. Asukoruk 2. Anub-jam [?]
3. Ajingboruk 4. Azi
5. Atunwe 6. Afoko
7. Azong 8. Angusi
9. Atankorek 10. Ameong
11. Amama 12. Akansuk-gaasa
13. Awuka 14. Abakisi
15. Azantinlow 16. Asekabta

The survivors of these 16 brothers are Amama, now head of family, Abako [?] Azantinlow, Chief of Sandema, and Asekabta. For various reasons Abakisi and Asekabta have established their own compounds while as a matter of must [?] Amama, head of family who performs all the sacrifices to the ancestral gods of the family and chief Azantinlow live and maintain the Aieta-yeri (compound) at the time these notes were being taken (June 1970).
By 1912, old age had taken its toll on the once active and energetic chief Ayieta, so much so that he no longer could go about his duties as before. He found it necessary
to delegate these duties to one of his sons and his choice fell on no other man than Afoko in whom the old man has seen clear signs of leadership. Afoko therefore was introduced to the D.C. and he took orders for all government works and he saw to it that they were carried out satisfactorily. As to every man is appointed a day to die, on the morning of 18th May 1912, Ayieta passed away from this life, and his death was reported to the Chief Commissioner N.Ts. [of the Northern Territories in] Tamale on 24th of the same month by Mr. S. D. Nash, then acting D.C. of Navrongo.
The death of Ayieta, father of over 40 children, threw Sandema into a long period of mourning which brought in its wake keen rivalry of chieftaincy over succession to the skin of chieftaincy. By now the range of contestants had grown larger than before.
p. 10
Descendants of all the late chiefs to the third degree are legible to contest which in effect meant that the sons and grandsons of Apoteba, Anaankum and Ayieta could if any desired present themselves for election. It was not until a year later that the final funeral rites were completely performed. Meantime, Afoko continued to take government orders and executed them. During the one year that the funeral rites were performed, would be contestants had time to lobby for votes. One such contestant was Ayipaaro, a son of Anaankum and an uncle of the Ayieta’s sons. In this endeavour to win the skin of his father Anaankum, Ayipaaro sent a delegation of three of his supporters Angmanyed, Agbanvuuk and Adiak to the chief of Nalerigu (Na-yiri) with presents to try and help him to be made chief of Sandema. Ayiparo’s reason for doing so: This is not far-fetched. Nayiri was certainly a big and influential chief with the British administrators, and was therefore quite a suitable back door means for selfseekers and malcontents and as can be seen by the revelations of the enquiry of 4th June 1912 wh£25 (Cedis 50.00) for certain acts of messenger [?] of his court in the Builsa area. This type of behaviour lent evidence to the notion in most quarters then including the ill-informed White Man newly established administration that Builsa was part of the Nayiri Kingdom. There is nowhere in history that one could trace to a conflict tribal war between the Mamprusi and Builsa where the latter was conquered and annexed into the skin of Nayiri. Nor is there any evidence of the Nayiri ever having enskinned any chief in Builsa before the White Man’s administration.
Here one could at least concede that the early Mohamadans [Mohammedans] in trying to get following or to establish [?] would come to chiefs in the name of Nayiri as Nalerigu was one of their places. Builsa are known for their hospitality and generosity, when such visitors brought little insignificant gifts, in return they were given handsome gifts for themselves and others for those they purported to represent. This therefore did not in itself go to mean that by reason of playing host to such pilgrims meant being subservient to Nayiri. We shall in the course of things have a look at this part of the role of Nayiri in traditional matters of other tribes of the Upper Region in a later stage.
While Ayiparo was campaigning, Afoko, backed by two of his older brothers Asukoruk and Amobjam, left no stone unturned to make sure that Afoko’s already promising position was consolidated. Finally election day came on the morning of 11th December 1912. In the presence of a very large crowd of Sandema people, the various headmen were asked whom they wanted to be made chief. Out of 16 headmen, 75 % voted for Afoko. It was 12 to 4 against Ayiparo, a rather elderly person.
p. 11
Tall youthful, elegant looking Afoko, who stood at about 6 ft, 7 inches, was declared chief of Sandema in succession to his deceased father Ayieta and everything pointed to success. However, Ayiparo became embittered about the results of the elections and all was not smooth for him and the new chief. Barely two weeks after the election Ayiparo accompanied by Amuusa [?], son of Acham of Balansa, went to Navrongo and reported that he, Ayiparo had been given the fetish and made chief of Sandema by the fetish man Acham, and that if the administration did not recognise him, the fetish would kill Afoko. The D. C. told Amuusa to warn his father that if there was trouble in the District, the government would hold him responsible and that his punishment would be such that as has never been mettered [meted] out to any person in the district.
Ayiparo was still dissatisfied and complained at a meeting in Sandema that he was the rightful successor to the skin of Sandema. After discussion Ayiparo’s complaint was dismissed and he was told that because he had the support of the fetishman did not entitle him to [the] skin. It appeared that Ayiparo at least [last] accepted both public opinion and administrative ruling in this matter. But this was not the case. He was later to start trouble again.
At this time road building was in its initial stages to open up the country in place of footpaths. In this direction, a new road was built from Sandema to Kanjarga through Wiaga and Gbedema. It was during this work Ayiparo showed his disobedience for authority by not only refusing orders, but also stopping others from going to work on the new road. This was brought to the notice of Cpt. Trawaley who was supervising the construction of the road. Meanwhile, work proceeded ahead of schedule, and on 13th January 1913 the road had been completed. On an inspection visit to Sandema, D.C.E. O. Warden was informed of Ayiparo’s conduct and he ordered his arrest the 25th of March 1913 and [he was] detained at Navrongo for 3 months as political prisoner. After this he returned home very sobber [sober?] and had a quiet life to the end of his days, not to mention his minor local achoities [?].
The administration of the N.Ts. [Northern Territories] then was left solely in the hands of the District Commissioners. Occasionally, the C.C.N.Ts. [Chief Commissioner of the Northern Territories] visited the various districts. During one of such visits in the early days of Afoko’s reign, chief of the Builsa District [F.K. he] accompanied Afoko to meet the C.C.N.Ts. at Navrongo bringing presents of chickens, ducks, eggs, head loads of corn and a large monkey presented by Afoko himself.
p. 11:
By November 1916, Afoko had already won the admiration of the administration and was awarded his first »King’s Medal for African Chiefs«. A year later, in 1917, he received another medallion for meritorious work,
Afoko, 6th son of Ayieta, was the only son of his mother Apog-nab. He had [a] bloodful [full-blooded?] sister called Avelemba [?] who was married to Wiaga. Both his parents were from royal houses. His father Ayieta was prince and later chief of Sandema, and his mother the daughter of Ache, chief of Kologu in the Kasena-Nankana District. Little wonder therefore that his father saw in him qualities of a born chief and leader, hence he made him regent in his own lifetime out of 16 brothers, five being older than him, Afoko.
Afoko’s short term of stewardship as regent stood him in goodstead [?] when he was finally elected Chief. He was already conversant with the rudimental responsibilities of a chief, sat in council with older men, met and discussed administrative programmes with Government officials and carried them out with exceptional success. Afoko was not made up of duty only. In addition, he was sociable and had time to attend to private matters of his subjects and family. Never was it known that anyone left his court dissatisfied whatever his matter was. His judgments were both fair and lenient. He so much endeared himself to his subjects so that they poured presents in wives and cattle on him. This easily explains off his enormous riches at his death. [?] short Afoko’s reign is aptly described as the period of rain of milk and honey for Sandema and peace and harmony for the Builsa state.
It was during his reign that all the roads in the District were built. And though it was through forced labour unlike the present day communal labour, work was carried out with zeal and enthusiasm. Afoko was often at times personally present lending a helping hand. Whenever he came across a weak person in any working group, he either excused his or assigned him a lighter duty such as fetching drinking water. He would crack jokes in a most humorous manner which went a long way to inspire workers on. There was peace devoid of chieftaincy and boundary disputes. An exception here was Chuchuliga under Navrongo. About 1910 Capt. Armitage had put Chuchuliga under Navrongo. At this time Nayaga-nia [?] of Chana was under Chuchuliga and partly Chana. In those days people in Chuchuliga elected their chiefs regardless of succession and this gave a lot of trouble. Two of their chiefs were removed by the administration for offences against the diseases of cattle ordinance. The last one, Akanpoba, was imprisoned for an offence after special warnings.
p. 13
In 1923 an inquiry was held which finally settled the issue that Nayagania pass under Kasena-Nakani while Chuchuliga came under Builsa. At this inquiry chief Afoko and chief Awe of Navrongo were agreed on this settlement. The administration recommended that Afoko should get a strong chief in Chuchuliga. As a manifestation of their being subject to Sandema, the people of Chuchuliga were made to surface and beat the road from Chuchuliga to Sandema. It was not until 1927 when the C.C.N.Ts. approved and confirmed the recommendation of the inquiry of 1923. In February 1927 Afoko went to Chuchuliga and enskined Asangaksa Chief of Chuchuliga. Asangaksa rules [?] Chuchuliga to [this] date.
It is important to note that the Catholic Mission was established at Wiaga under Father Dagenais (pronounced Dazina) in 1927. Chief Afoko was recommended for his 4th Medal for African Chiefs, but unfortunately he did not live long enough to receive it. On the afternoon of Sunday March 20th 1927 horror and grief struck Sandema.
After a short illness of seven days Afoko died. Mr. Anderson, then D.C. at Navrongo was on trek at Doninga village, so two of Afoko’s brothers, Akansugaasa [?] and Amama, went and reported his death to him at 9.15 p.m. on the same day. In a report to the C.C.N.Ts. on this sad event the D.C. remarked inter alia: »It appears to be pneumonia he had been sick about 7 or 8 days. He will be a great loss to the District and hard to be replaced.« Word of his death quickly spread throughout Builsa and from Kunkwa, Katigra, Kanjarga and other villages came chiefs and their entourage to mourn a beloved ruler.
Afoko’s body was laid in state for three days to enable his numerous subjects near and far to have a chance of attending the burial ceremony. Finally the body was interred in the yard of his mother’s room on the evening of 22nd March 1927. The witch-doctors blamed his sickness on his younger wives. Death had laid its icy hands on yet another mortal being irrespective of position or social standing. Afoko was dead.
Afoko left behind a humble family of few males and a host of females. Of his surviving sons are Peter Akanchepuing, Acheemdak, Akantigisi, Casterllian [castellan?] Francis Asianab and an adopted son Abaade. As a matter of interest, the names of his sons as most Builsa names are proverbial given by his mother. For instance Akanchepuing – we do not cut a rock, Afoko-bisakantigisi, Afoko’s children are never united. Asianab-abey, the chief [?]. In the case of the Casterllian pronounced as »Kasilin[?]« who was named after a D.C. being the name of »Louis [?] Castellian« whose visited [?J co-incided with the birth of the baby boy.
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To close on this great light of Builsa, the narrative will be incomplete if mention
is not made of few salient qualities which contributed in no small way to make Afoko
worshipped and beloved by both his subjects and Ayieta family.
Upon the death of his father, Afoko despite that he had already the green light to lead though not most senior in line of birth, immediately submitted to his older brothers. This paid off well. In return they endorsed their father’s choice and backed Afoko to be enskined chief. Afoko took over [?] all his young brothers who were not of age and cared for them until his death. In this way the family was kept intact and happily united to the end of his life. In matters of state he always consulted with his older brothers before taking any important decisions. In Afoko’s court were men of public standing like Adiita [?] and Ayig-debe to mention a few who were closely associated with him in any matter of state.
In a very short time of his enskinment, the whole district instantly felt an air of change for the better. Justice tempered with mercy was seen to be carried out. There was a great sense of oneness among the various towns and inhabitants of the district. All these together won him the loyalty and admiration of his subjects and chiefs, resulting in a united Builsa working together for peace and prosperity, Though Afoko lived and died in Colonial Gold Coast, it was destined that his name will live through time. In 1951 one of his sons Akantigisi Afoko, a living image of his father was nominated to the National Assembly of the Gold Coast, later called Ghana at independence in 1957. Akantigisi maintained his seat in the National Assembly as a nominated member for Builsa and retained it from general election to election until when the constitution of the gov’t [Government] of the country led by the late Dr. Kwame Nkrumah was toppled in a coup on February 24th, 1966. Akantigisi’s success was to a large extent due to the fact that Builsas saw in him a chance of doing honour to the memory of late Chief Afoko. This, coupled with his own ability as an individual politician with a sense of humour soon marked him as a person of great potential. Unlike most politicians of his day in the country, Akantigisi’s political opponents, especially those who contested him at each election were his closest friends and it could fairly be attributed to him that by all standards showed no political bile or animosity towards
anyone. This could be easily seen from the records of political detention when during the later stages of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah’s Gov’t. for one to merit detention was only for the M.P. of the constituency to brand one as a Dombo [?] or an opponent of the C.P.P. [Convention People’s Party]. Happily enough no person was either detained or threatened with fear of detention in the Builsa constituency.
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Developments in Builsa during this period included Builsa being raised to the status of an independent District. Sandema Health Centre and Pipe born water to mention a few [?]. And the Agric project at Wiaga.

Akansugaasa – success[or] to Afoko

The pace for rivalry among princes to the skin was again set by the death of chief Afoko. This turned out to be one of the most keenly contested elections unlike the previous one which was a straight fight between Afoko and Ayiparo. On the 8th of April 1927, barely a month after Afoko’s death, elections of a successor took place. There were five contestants, the claim[s] of two of which were rejected. The five were: 1. Akansugaasa, 2. Amama, both brothers. 3. Akanwomnab of Apulkayeri, 4. Adong [?] Anaankum and 5. Agbanavuuk Anaankum. Finally the claim of two were rejected. Amama stepped down for his older brother Akansugaasa and Akanwomnab’s claim [was] rejected. Those who stood for election were: 1. Akansugaasa – brother of Afoko, 2. Adong, 3. Agbanavuuk – both sons of Anaankum. This was therefore a contest between two brothers and a nephew.
Builsa tradition in electing chiefs is very distinct and different from others like the Dagombas, Mamprusis and Walas for example. In their cases there are at least three families or gates as they are termed from which a successor is nominated by sorcerers and later enskined in rotation. In Builsa or Sandema as such, the one important qualification being that a contestant must be a blood relation to the third degree whose fathers had been chiefs before.
The contrast is that in the former [cases] a majority of their Paramount Chiefs are often too old by the time they come to the skin. Choice of candidates is restricted to a number and there could be doubt and division of opinion over the whole matter of enskinment culminating in unrest and disputes. While in the later i.e. Builsa the range of choice is free and wide to begin with. A clear cut undisputable result of the peoples’ own choice publicly declared gives room for much younger blood to be elected who often rule for many years. This no doubt in a large sense [?] accounts for the almost non-existence of litigation of chieftaincy disputes in the district. Finally this way had fine qualities of modern democratic methods of elections.
One would have said that there was misunderstanding, disagreement between Anaankum brothers, Adong and Agbanavuuk, but this was not the case. It was a design intended to cripple the successor’s [?] succession to the skin by the Ayietas. [?] By
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tradition, if there are more than two contestants and none of them wins convincingly, nothing prevents a fresh majority. In this way, therefore, if there was no clear win, one of Anaankum’s brothers would then swing his supporters to the other by stepping down for him. However, it did not work well as Akansugaasa won with a clear majority to their surprise. This time the administration invited the other Builsa chiefs to attend and participate in the election. Twelve of them were present. Together with 16 headmen, the vote was put and 28 electors unanimously chose Akansugaasa, younger brother of the late Afoko to be chief. Akansugaasa was therefore declared elected chief on 12 months probation.
It is our belief that chiefs are born, but not made. Therefore, by the end of his probationary period the administration had no adverse report against Akansugaasa, but praise and recommendation for confirmation, it was no surprise to anyone. The administration had this to say: »Akansugaasa [is] elected chief in succession to his brother Afoko. This man had been [a] most loyal and thoroughly efficient and reliable chief. He continues to show loyalty, efficiency and initiative. He has control over his people and on two occasions was recommended by Agricultural Officers. I recommend for this confirmation of Akansugaasa as Paramount Chief of Builsa. He was elected on 8th April 1927.« Sgd. Capt. Whittal1.
Meantime Akansugaasa had continued and put finishing touches to works on the roads which late Chief Afoko could not complete before his death. On 28th April 1929, about a year after his election, he visited Kadema and enskined Adaang[a]gbe, chief in succession to his dead father Atigbiiro who had been enskined by Ayieta. After this there seemed to be nothing of importance till 1931, when towards the end of the year, the Gov.t started talks on Native Administration with Akansugaasa. Market sheds had already been erected in Sandema market as a means of revenue. A native treasury started in early 1932. Initially, the Chief was to in [?] half of his court fines and all the market fees at the end of each month. Chief Akansugaasa was entrusted with the responsibility of treasurer as there was no one to be clerk. A handful of Builsa boys then in school at the Catholic Mission were still under instructions.
About this time there seemed to be [a] decline in payment of homage to the Paramount Chief by his chiefs and people of the villages lying between the Sisili and Volta, i.e, Katigra and Kunkwa, including Fumbisi and Kanjarga. This matter was not given serious and effective consideration at the onset, probably because the chief had to see to the establishment of Native Authority System. It no doubt therefore preoccupied his attention above all other matters.
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The neuclus [nucleus?] of the Native Council was in progress and on 27th July 1932 a list of the first Councillors was submitted to the D.C. and also made his first
payment of lampo into the treasury. .»:
Before then, on the night of 5th July 1932, there was an occurrence which led to a lot of speculation. Late Afoko’s horse which was tied between two other horses in an open shed stable was devoured by two lions, but none of the other two horses was hurt at all. When the news was broken to the people, they believed that Afoko was angry that other people were riding his horse and therefore sent the lions to kill it, Later a search party led by Asekabta, a young brother of Afoko, failed to track down the lions.
Coming back to the matters of southern Builsa where dissatisfaction had been brewing for some time now, Akansugaasa sent messengers from his court to try and restore the situation to normal. These messengers aggravated matters by overstepping the bounds of their authority. It is known that some of them in addition to extorting money and livestock from the malcontents also forcefully [?] took other people’s wives and threatened them with reprisals. All these together made matters to get out of hand and the chief of Katigra [and?] Kunkua asked permission to be allowed to follow Nalerigu. This permission was granted.
At home all was not well. Introducing the Native Authority system brought its own problems. Fines were heavier than ever experienced. In any case Akansugaasa had become unpopular for intolerance and hard-handedness. People who appeared before his court with tobacco in their mouths were made to swallow them.
Soon after the break away of Kunkwa and Katigra, Akansugaasa was taken il1 and just as he was seen to be recovering from his illness and looking cheerful, he suddenly died on the afternoon of 21st November 1932, after a short record [?] reign of 5 years, 7 months and 13 days. In the evening of the same day a report of his death was made to the D.C. at Navrongo who commented on his death thus: »A keen and energetic young chief who will be sadly missed. I do not know yet whether his death will mean a re-arrangement of Builsa people under Mamprusi, but I think they will still want to remain separate owing to the inherent hatred for the Mamprusi. His successor will have to work hard to be as successful as he was.«
Akansugaasa was survived by 5 children: three boys and two girls. The oldest, Akunkuanaab, being about 12 years at the time of the death of his father. The other two boys [were] Akanmarinaam and Amabilinsa. (the latter died in 1970. The former also died in 1974.)
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Akansugaasa’s untimely death brought grief and shock to the entire Ayieta family.
Since sooner or later we all stoop to faith [?]. The Ayietas had to bear with their lot in the knowledge that God’s will be done.
Here again [came up] the question of Builsa and Mamprusi, from the administration point of view it [was] clear that there had always for some time been a desire to place Builsa under Mamprusi. But even then they knew about the feeling of the Builsas towards the Mamprusi. On the other hand, Kategra and Kunkua of their own choice asked to be allowed to join Mamprusi. This decision is explained by the actions of the courtiers of Akansugaasa. It turned out that in later years the same two towns advocated to comeback to Sandem. This resulted in a long and expensive litigation which reached the West African Court of Appeal in 1953.

Enskinment of Chief Azantinlow – 19th December 1932

By special request of the Sandema people, election of a successor to Akansugaasa was fixed for the 19th of December, 1932. Present at the election were the chiefs of Wiaga, Kadem, Siniensi, Gbedem, Chuchuliga, Doninga, Fumbisi, Kanjarga, Kunkua, Wiasi, Bachongsa and Uasi [?]. Mr. Oliver, then D.C. of Navrongo, supervised the elections. The contestants were: 1. Amama, 2. Adong, 3. Awobsa and 4. Azantinlow.
The old men among whom were Anyadin of Awusiuk-yeri, Akatuk of Tankunsa, Amobjam of Abil-yeri, Atowe and Anankpein [?] explained to the D.C. the procedure of electing a chief before the White Man came. The D.C. asked whether they had someone in view. They said that Azantinlow was the man. The old men were absolutely unanimous except the candidates. Azantinlow was therefore declared chief.
Azantinlow, the youngest of the contestants, was aged about 2[?] [years]. [He] stood 6 ft. 2 in. and weighed about 200 lbs. He is the youn[?], his mother 4 sons [?]. By this succession Azantinlow was not only son [of?} Ayieta, but also a womb brother of the late Akansugaasa. [?]
The D.C. took the opportunity in the evening of the election day to talk to the chiefs about the formation of a tribal Council. The chiefs of Fumbisi, Kanjarga and Uasi agreed to join provided that they would be looked upon as chiefs by the new chief of Sandema and not as his small boys. They were assured that in the Council they would all be equals, but that their president would have to be given a casting vote in disputes in Council meetings. At this stage of discussion, the matter was left to Azenab,
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chief of Wiaga, who was the most senior chief having been enskined in 1909, to meet all other chiefs and have further discussion and report to the D.C.
One notices here the unusual procedure by which the new chief had been elected. There was going to be trouble and that not very long too. [?] Interested contestants were not given the chance to present themselves to the electorate, i.e. the headmen of the various sections of Sandema for election or rejection.
A week after Azantinlow’s election trouble rose between him and two of his staunch supporters Atowe [?] and Akanjilenur on one side and Angusi, his elder brother on the other. This resulted in Angusi being beaten up till he fainted and forced out of Ayieta-yeri. This incident was reported to the D.C. on 28th December 1932.
The cause of the trouble between Azantinlow and Angusi was that Angusi protested against the wrong procedure by which the new chief was elected and advocated that it be brought to the attention of the administration. Added to this wrong procedure or as a result of it, a candidate not agreed upon by the Ayieta brothers had been elected chief. Their man was Amama who was an older brother to Azantinlow and an errand boy of [the] late Afoko. Amama was so close to Afoko that when Afoko died but for the reason that the Ayieta brothers decided that Akansugaasa being older than Amama should be chief. Most people wished that he was enskined chief, so that at the death of Akansugaasa the automatic successor was no doubt Amama.
But instead of Amama, it was Azantinlow and this is what happened behind the scene: When Afoko was chief, he had for his aids and errand boys Akansugaasa and Amama, two of his younger brothers, and Atogwe, the grandson of Analagaam, daughter of Apoteba. While they served their brother and grand-uncle respectively, on several occasion there was disagreement between Amama and Atogwe. The latter often wanted to divert or conceal gifts in cash, clothes or livestock brought to Afoko for himself. Because Amama would not allow this practice, there have often been conflicts between them. In this way Atogwe once got severely reprimanded by Afoko over a cow he tried to keep for himself and Amama reported him. At this time, there was on the service of the administration Mr. Cyprian, an interpreter to the D.C. Cyprian up top date is a household word in Builsa and Navrongo Districts for his influence. Atogwe was a close friend to Cyprian from the days of Afoko.
Therefore, on the death of Akansugaasa, Atogwe found that Amama against whom he had nursed grudge would be enskined chief spared no effort in making sure that this was not so. He easily got Cyprian to convince the old men that the administration would be angry with them if they put any candidates at this election besides Azantinlow who
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was Atogwe’s choice. In like manner Cyprian made the D.C. on the other hand to understand that for certain reasons the Sandema people were agreed on Azantinlow and that was that. By this cunning way Amama and other candidates were quietly edged out and there was no vote as had always been the custom.
[Comment on this by James Agalic: What I, James {Agalic} heard is this: Atogwe favoured Azantinlow may be for the reasons Francis {Afoko} gives above. It must be remembered that at that time Atogwe was the only civilised man at the Chief’s court among the elders. He was the only man who could speak Hausa, Kasem and a little English. He misinterpreted the palaver that day to his own advantage. He told Cyprian that the people wanted Azantinlow, because if Amama was chief, there [?] would be fighting and the English hated this.]
It is no secret that Azantinlow was taken unawares, that his womb brother Abakisi was on Amama’s side on election day. No wonder therefore that Angusi objected to and
protested against the procedure adopted at this election. Added to this, the Awusima (mother of Akansugaasa, Abakisi, Azantinlow and Peter Apuing Afoko), brothers of Ayieta had been known by their brothers to be egoists [?], hard hearted and selfish, qualities which did not fit in well for a large family made up of polygamous marriage [?] like theirs. There was the fear of the family breaking up if a person with such qualities happened to be at the head of affairs.
When Angusi raised this objection, Atogwe saw in it what the result would mean, i.e. re-election and his perfidy would have come to light. [?] With the help of Akanjoten [?] and Achaksi, both strong and influential wealthy young men, got hold [of] Angusi and beat him up. They got Azantinlow to banish Angusi from his father’s house. Angusi made report to the D.C. afterwards, but was told that it was a family matter. Angusi later died in banishment at Navrongo having worked as a cattle-guard. Because of the unorthodox method by which Azantinlow was elected Chief, the necessary customary enskinment of a chief by the chief makers have not yet been performed. [Comment on this by James Agalic: What I, James {Agalic} heard is that: Any chief who goes through the customary method of enskinment, does not stay long; he [?] soon dies. Akansugaasa is an example. So Azantinlow is afraid to take the Bagi Naam Ngiak Naam. But one day he must [?] take it even on his death bed or else he will not be regarded as having
been chief. He is therefore intentionally delaying this customary n[?]. He is therefore regarded as the “White Man’s chief”. In any case [he] can decide to have it done at any time. However it is worth mentioning that anyone in the family could ask to be
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enskined the customary way and if [this be] done, he would be recognized as chief. But since this will bring unnecessary trouble, let sleeping dogs be [?]].
Azantinlow enskined chief on 19th December 1932 was first introduced to the C.C.NTs.[Chief Commissioner of the Northern Territories] on 1st January 1933 at an Agricultural show at Pong-Tamale. It will be recalled that before Azantinlow election there was a lot of unrest in the District. On 7th March 1933, a second meeting of all Builsa chiefs was held to try and arrange the local administration system. Azenab, chief of Wiaga who had been charged with the duty of contacting the other chiefs on the question of a President addressed the meeting. When the vote was put, with the exception of Kanjarga, they all voted for the Sandema-nab as head chief and not a federation of chiefs as was in the case of the Kasena-Nankani District. The chiefs of Fumbisi and Wiasi [?] asked that the D.C. goes round to explain what had been decided upon to the people to forestall any future misunderstanding. The D.C. spent the next three days going round explaining the decision of the meeting to the people.
At Fumbisi, the people said that their real reason for asking them to be allowed to join Kpesinkpe was that the late chief of Sandema, Akansugaasa, had oppressed them too much, and in addition to his courtiers extorting money and forcefully taking their daughters and wives away from them. They were assured that nothing of that sort will happen again and if it did, the chief should report it to the D.C. Kanjarga was the last village to visit in connection with this excise [?]. Here the people were quite willing and ready to follow Sandema in spite of the refusal of the chief. The chief was therefore told that if he still refused to follow Sandema, the people were free to choose a new chief who would do their wishes. He gave in and decided to pay allegiance to the Sandema-naab as head chief. This somewhat brought an end to Kanjarga advocating to join Nalerigu.
Two months later, in May 1933, locust hoppers invaded the district in very large numbers and destroyed everything green in their way. Initially, Sandema, Wiaga, Chuchuliga and Siniensi were affected in the Builsa District – and Kayari [?] in the Kasena part. The situation was very serious, so all crops and vegetables were destroyed to their roots and farming was most inevitable [?]. The people interpreted this to mean a bad omen for the rule of the newly elected chief Azantinlow. To date, the locust hoppers’ invasion has become a historical event to the [?] people.
In August 1933, the C.C.NTs. paid official visit to Sandema, had talks with the new chief about the origin of his family and the Red Fez cap which chiefs wear. The chief replied that it was an old custom, but from previous statements by him, he seemed
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to be [have] contradicted himself. This was quite obvious because Azantinlow by 1933 [?] was only a young man of about 25 years and had not enough knowledge [?] of his family. As was the practice, from shepherd boy up to 16 years, Azantinlow spent his time trading in tobacco from Yagaba to Sandema in [?] headloads. It was at this time that he went to witness the election of a new chief which turned out to be him [?].
The Native Authority was in progress now. A clerk and treasurer had been engaged. They were Mr. Leander Alchew of Navrongo and James Analenab [?] of Wiasi who were later joined by Patrick Awogta. Then followed the establishment of the first School by the N.A. [Native Authority] in Sandema in 1936. finis J.Agalic.

The Upper East Region Conflicts
Albert K. Awedoba: The Chuchuliga Chieftaincy Affair

In: An Ethnographic Study of Northern Conflicts: Towards a Sustainable Peace (Legon 2009) p. 113

Chuchuliga is a chiefdom lying to the west of Navrongo. It falls within the Bulsa District of the Upper East. Until 2006 when one of the chiefs is reported to have agreed to step down, the chiefdom of Chuchuliga, a divisional chiefdom under the Sandema paramountcy, has had two chiefs for several years, one recognised by the Sandema Chief, the Sandemnab, and the other elected by the people of Chuchuliga but not enjoying the recognition of the paramount chief of Bulsaland, the Sandemnab. Each of these two Chuchuliga chiefs had his followers and there had been division within the chiefdom for some time.
Chuchuliga is located on the Navrongo- Tumu road at the junction where the road from Sandema joins the trunk road. Two main languages, namely Kasem and Buli, are spoken in the area and this is accounted for by the traditions of the chiefdom. The people of Chuchuliga say their great grandfather [apical ancestor], called Kuchula, was a migrant from Kasem-speaking Chebelle [Tieb