1. BULI TERMS USED IN THIS STUDY
(A selection)

akpeteshi (Akan): liquor (brandy) made from palm wine
baano, baana, pl. baanoba: diviner, fortune teller, soothsayer
bia-kaasung: miscarriage
biik, pl. bisa: child, dependent person, follower
biisa lika: closing of the (female) breasts (ritual on the second day of the Juka funeral)
bogluk, pl. bogluta: shrine of a supernatural being that receives sacrifices
bogsika (syn. cheesika): gathering food before the Juka funeral
bogta: fibres
bogta: wild plants, leaves used for soups
bolim: fire
boom/ buoom: braided cord around the wrist of a mourner
boosuk / buoosuk: ceramic grave cover
boosuk juroa (joroa): leader of a funeral, (also imitator?) , cf. juem-suroa
bui: granary, grain store
bumbota /sing. bumbook: edible tubers from the scrubland
buntuem (syn. tuntuem, tintuem): ash
busik: Bulsa basket with round opening and square bottom
cheesika (syn. bogsika): gathering food before the Juka festival

che-lie: woman who wears the clothes of a deceased person at his/her funeral and imitates him/her in short dramatic scenes; imitator, impersonator
cheng: ceramic soup bowl
cheri-cheroa: imitator (impersonator) at a funeral ceremony (usually a woman)
cheri saab: special millet porridge that is served, for example, to the wall of the compound
cherika or cheri deka: imitation of the deceased man or woman by a woman
chiaka: literally snatching; institutionalized food theft at a funeral
chichambisa: sons-in-law, they visit the mourning house on the 4th day of the Kumsa funeral
chiik, pl. chiisa: soul, spiritual component that can leave the body (often at night)
chilie: ceremonial female leader at a funeral
chin: calabash bowl
choro(a): husband
daam, pl. daata: millet beer, pito
da(a)ung: body dirt (real or spiritual)
dabiak: courtyard of a residential area
dachoruk: spade, used for digging a grave
da-goong: iron pipe for firing fireworks

dai: day
dalong, syn. kpilima dok: “ancestral room” in the courtyard of the 1st wife; the adjoining room is the dayiik
daluk: red clay for body painting (also engobe of ceramic pots), syn. junung
daluk-saka: painting of close relatives with red clay at a funeral ceremony
dambuuring: name of a tree (Gardenia erubescens), see Juka funeral celebration
darika or Kuub darika: announcement of a death case

daung: dirt (pl. daungta often with sing. meaning), filth, “sin” (e.g. adultery, cf. kabong n. ), esp. moral or ritual offence
dayiik: see dalong
doglie: maid servant of a married woman from her family; she may later marry the wife’s husband
dok, pl. diina: 1. a roundhouse within a building complex, “room”, also: segment of a lineage; . quarter of a woman enclosed by walls
dung: four-legged mammal; in a narrower sense: cow, sheep, goat, dog
gaab, pl. gaasa or gaa, sp. tree, ebony tree (Diospyrus mespiliformis)
gaasika: a particular ritual (including eating from a calabash that has circled the body)
garuk: robe, gown, smock
ginggaung, pl. ginggana: large cylinder drum
golung: triangular cloth apron men
guka: burial (of a corpse)
guuk, pl. guuta: no longer inhabited, ancestral site; hill, mound
guri, pl. gue: wooden hammer, mallet
gbanta: divination, fortune telling, soothsaying
gbanta dai: 3rd day of the 1st funeral celebration
gbieri: to joke, to insult jokingly (institutionalized custom)
jaab, pl. nganta: thing, animal, living being (also used for humans and spirits)
jadok: supernatural being, usually manifested in animals; receives sacrifices on a clay shrine

jianta: tiredness, fatigue, exhaustion
jom suka: putting on the widow’s ropes
juem-suoroa (juem-sieroa): female leader of a funeral ceremony
jueta soka dai, syn. nyaata soka dai (day of the bath ), 2nd day of the Juka celebration
Juka: see kuub juka (2nd funeral celebration)
junung: see (syn.) daluk, red clay

kaabi: to sacrifice
kaam: liquid spice, water filtered through the ashes of burnt millet stalks
kabong: a particular type of adultery (sexual intercourse with a man from the husband’s lineage)
kali kum zuk: to perform a funeral celebration
kaliak: unexcised girl, young girl or unmarried woman
kalika (dai): First day of the first funeral ceremony (syn. kuub kpieng dai; taasa yika dai)
kambon-naab: subchief, the office was probably introduced by the British
kamsa: bean cake (see also koosa)
kikerik, pl. kikerisa: invisible spirit; some of them serve as talking fairies for a diviner
kikiruk, pl. kikiita: person possessed by this spirit, often with deformities
kisi: to hate, to be forbidden, to be taboo
kisuk, pl. kisuta: taboo, forbidden thing or action
ko, pl. koba: father, pl. also: ancestors
ko-bisa: literally children of a father, relatives of one’s own line, often neighbours, cf. ma-bisa
koalin teka: the giving of goods, inheritance
kok, pl. kokta: spirit, ghost, kok is dangerous to living people
koosa: fried bean cakes (see also kamsa)
kum (v.): to mourn, to weep (after the death of a person)
kum-biok: evil death
kum-yiila: mourning song, lament; also: procession of the elders
Kumsa, Kuub or Kuub-Kumsa: first funeral celebration
kurupaani, krupaani: particular spirit
kusung: wall-less common room in front of the compound for meeting guests etc.
kusung-dok: like kusung, but with walls
Kuub: funeral celebration
Kuub darika: announcement of death
Kuub Juka: 2nd funeral celebration for a deceased person
Kuub Kumsa: 1st funeral celebration for the dead
Kuub kpieng dai: first day of the first funeral celebration

kpaam: (originally:) shea-butter, shea-oil (cf. jigisidi n.), (mod.:) general name for any kind of fat, oil, grease
kpaama: germinated millet (for making millet beer)
kpaama ngabika (brewing millet beer): 1st day of the Juka celebration
kpaata or kpaam-tue dai (kpaam, pl. kpaata: shea butter, tue: beans), 3rd day of  Kumsa
kpagi: elder, overseer, leader, most senior person
kpagluk: specific animal sacrifice at a funeral celebration

kpalabik: earthen bowl for eating solid food
kpi: to die
kpiak-gebik: chicken killed by tearing or cutting (ritual)
kpilima: ancestors
kpilima-dok: see dalong
kpilung: realm of the dead
kpingsa: orphans
kpio: dead person, corpse
lakori: a principle of following rites and other actions of the past
leelik: war dance, leelik-dai: second day of the first funeral celebration
lie, pl. lieba: daughter, unmarried woman
lig nansiung: literally closing the door (gate), one of the last wedding gifts to the bride’s family
lok, pl. lokta: quiver

ma, pl. maba: mother
ma-bage: female ancestral shrine in the form of a knobbed vessel filled with earth
ma-bisa: literally children of one (a) mother, lineage segment (smaller than ko-bisa)
miiga: tongs; miiga funeral service: special funeral service for a blacksmith
miik, pl. miisa, cord, waist string
miisa folika: taking off the body cords (4th day of Juka)
moolingka: speech(es) on the 2nd day of Kumsa
naapierik ginggana: war dance-like dance to the garbage pile (tampoi)
Naawen (naab wen): God, God in heaven
nabiin(g)-soruk: special necklace with red-white-blue rosetta beads
nagela: Bulsa dance
nansiung: main entrance of the compound
nansiung lika: closing the entrance (ritual after wedding, connected with gifts)
nang-foba: bloodless killing of animals to accompany the deceased to his afterlife
nang-foba tabika: (ritual) stepping on the dead nang-foba animals
nanggaang, nang-gaang: back part (or back wall) of the compound, place behind the compound
nangkpieng: cattle yard within the compound, usually with granaries
Naawen: sky god, often equated with the Christian God
ning-doma: leprosy
nipok tiim: shrine to prevent wives from running away
noai-boka: oracle of the death mat to find out the guilt of the death of a deceased person
nong: friend (opposite sex), lover
nga-nub, pl. nga-niima: mother-in-law
ngarika: burial of a deceased person in a foreign country by material objects (cloth, figurines..)
Ngomsika, Kuub Ngomsika or (Kuub-) Juka: second funeral celebration; ngomsi = to scratch
ngmain: to return (of babies after their death)
ngmiena (pl.): elephant grass, stalk of sleeping mat
nyagi: tribal mark
nyaata soka dai, syn. jueta soka dai (day of bathing): 2nd day of Juka celebration
nye: to make, nye kum: to perform a funeral ceremony
nyiam, pl. nyaata: water
nyiinika: (ritual) purification by smoke
nyono, pl. nyam: owner, person in charge, also used for father
nyuvuri, (pulsating) life
pagrim, pagrem: power, life force
parik-kaabka (parik= wall, kaabka, sacrifice), offering to the outer compound wall at funerals

pielim:  open space in front of the compound
piisim: smell of the dead (dangerous)
poali: leather bracelet or hip ring with medicine
pobsika: ritual ash blowing and marking of bodies and buildings with ash, e.g. after birth
poi-nyatika: announcement of a woman’s first pregnancy

pok, nipok: woman, lady
pok-nong: married woman, the (platonic) girlfriend of another man
pokogi: widow, widow’s string
ponika: haircut of the head
Pung Muning (literally “red rock”): tanggbain of Badomsa, owner: Anamogsi
púúk, pl. púúsa, belly, pregnancy (syn. logi)
pùùk, pl. púúta: specific ceramic pot with lid, see also ma-bage
puuta mobika or puuta cheka: destruction of ceramic vessels of a deceased married woman
saab, pl. siira, millet porridge, T.Z.
sa-gaang: unfermented millet porridge, often prepared by men
samoanung: large round earthenware vessel for cooking
sagi (goai): bush
sakpak: witch, sorcerer
san-yigma (san-yigmo): matchmaker (intermediary), who later also performs other (ritual) tasks

sapiri: stirring stick, especially for millet porridge
segi: the guardian spirit bestowed on a person at a segrika
segrika: ritual act; offering of a child to a shrine, also naming of a child
sinlengsa / senlengsa: double bell
sinlengsa (senlengsa) dai (day of double bells), syn. daata nyuka dai (day of pito) 4th day of the Juka funeral celebration
siinika (literally, stacking): ritual distribution of gifts at a funeral
siira manika dai: 3rd day of the Juka funeral celebration
sinsanguli, pl. sinsangula: basketry rattle; accompaniment to women’s chants at funerals
suma: round beans, “Bambara peanut” (Voandzeia subterranea)
suurika: ablution, purification (ritual and secular)
taasa yika dai: first day of the first funeral ceremony (syn. kalika).
tampoi: garbage heap, ash heap in front of the compound
ta-pili: (rolled up) death mat
tapili-yika: hanging up the death mat shortly after death
teng: earth, earth spirit, earth sanctuary, village, land….
tanggbain, pl. tanggbana: earth shrine of a particular ritual district; often: a grove, river, tree, rock
teng-nyono, pl. teng-nyam: sacrificer of the earth shrine, earth priest
tiak, sleeping mat
tibiik, pl. tibiisa: ceramic vessel for liquid medicine

tigi: group of people, gathering, festival of secular character
tiim: medicine, medicine shrine, amulet…
tiim-nyono: medicine man, “native doctor”
tika-dai (gathering day): second day of the first funeral celebration (syn. leelik dai)
tintankori, pl. tintankoa: round stone of a male ancestral shrine, residence of the wen
tom, bow (weapon)
tue (pl.): beans
vaata: leaves, leaf clothing of a woman (in the past), also used for fibre aprons
vayaam, vaam: medicine of the gravedigger, medicine against the smell of the dead, ghosts, etc.
vayiak, pl. vayaasa: gravedigger
vorub, hole, grave shaft
wen: fateful, divine power, receives sacrifices at a shrine , destiny, fate
wen-piirika: in this ritual, an individual’s wen comes from the sun and is worshipped in a shrine (bogluk) ever since
wie-wie: literally ‘words-words’; ornamental scars
wuuling, weeling: ululation, trill (applause of women)
yaba: market, market day (usually every 3 days)
yeri, pl. yie: compound, larger lineage (as opposed to dok, smaller lineage), clan
yeri-lie: “daughter of the house”, matrilineal relative of the yeri-nyono
yeri-nyono, pl. yeri-nyam: head of a compound; man of greatest seniority (not always highest age) within a compound
yiili, pl. yiila: song
yulimka: circular movement (e.g. of the hand) before an execution
zangi: vertical rod or pole
zangni bobka: to tie an animal to a pole (ritually)
zom: millet flour
zo-nyiam (zu-nyiam): millet water (drink)
zong-zuka cheka: drumming on the flat roof near the entrance of the compound (at a funeral)
zuka: burning (e.g. of the funeral mat)
zukpaglik: neck support made of wood, “pillow”
zutok: cap
zutok muning: red cap (e.g. of a diviner, mourner, chief etc.)

 

2. ABBREVIATIONS

fn: Author’s field note with year and card number (collected on marginal hole cards).

Fb: Field book with original field notes

F.K. (fk): Franz Kröger (author)

Indicating a genealogical position:

F= father

M= mother

S= son

D= daughter

B= brother

Z= sister

H= husband

W= wife

3. INFORMANTS AND ASSISTANTS

3.1  Godfrey Achaw (from Sandema-Kalijiisa-Yongsa, Achaw Yeri)

The collaboration with Godfrey was already decided in Germany before my first arrival in Ghana, because 1967-68 he had already been the main assistant of my doctoral supervisor, Prof. Schott. In 1972, he worked as a nurse at the hospital of the University of Cape Coast. At the same university, I was to set up a German sub-department within the Department of French from 1972 to 1974. My German courses were also attended by Godfrey and other Bulsa.

Through Godfrey I expanded my basic knowledge of the Bulsa. He introduced me to the Buli language and provided me with the first data on their rites of passage.

It was also important for me that he introduced me to all (12?) Bulsa living in Cape Coast. Of these, some are particularly worth mentioning: Ayarik Kisito from Wiaga-Tandem-Zuedema, in whose family I was able to observe and document umbilical incisions. Akoasisi from Siniensi and Adama from Wiaga-Chiok were also very helpful in providing me with information. The connection to Adama remained when I took up residence in Wiaga. In Anduensa Yeri, his father’s compound, I underwent the vayaam rites of a gravedigger.

With Godfrey Achaw, I made my first trip to the Bulsa area in my Volkswagen, where he introduced me to his home section of Kalijiisa-Yongsa. I stayed in his and his brother’s compound, Achaw Yeri, for a short time, and for a longer time in Amoaning Yeri, whose head, Apatanyin, was also a willing informant. I conducted my first real fieldwork in the 21 compounds of Yongsa. When I shifted the focus of my work to Wiaga-Badomsa, my cooperation with Yongsa diminished considerably.

Godfrey was later (1979?) doused with petrol by soldiers of a military government and set on fire. He only narrowly escaped death. Afterwards (1979), he unsuccessfully applied for a parliamentary seat for the Action Congress Party and later emigrated to the USA. After his return, I met him only once in 2005 in Sandema, without any further co-operation.

He died in Ghana on 20 April 2013.

 

3.2  Robert Asekabta (from Sandema-Abilyeri) and other informants from Sandema

Robert approached me at the Sandema market; he wanted to work for me. Even though he did not become my permanent assistant, we were able to successfully complete a number of projects. For example, we compiled the genealogy of the Sandema chief with over 1000 names. I also observed and documented my first Segrika ritual in his father Asekabta’s house. Later, I only occasionally consulted Robert for information on rites of passage and linguistic problems. For example, he was an important co-editor of the Buli Language Guide. When I was no longer able to travel to Ghana after 2013, he became my most important contact person, as he was the only one of my former surviving helpers who could be reached via email and Messenger.

I was only able to acquire limited data from other Bulsa in Sandema, e.g., from the compound heads in Yongsa. Unfortunately, I did not find an informant who, for example, as a compound head, gave me unrestricted access to all rites and his secret knowledge, as was later the case in Wiaga with Leander Amoak and Anamogsi Anyenangdu.

My occasional informants in Sandema also included Azantilow, Sandemnaab and Paramount Chief of all Bulsa. Perhaps even more important than his information was the fact that he held his protective hand over me in all external crisis situations (e.g., with police authorities).

 

3. 3  Leander Amoak and Danlardy Amoak (from Wiaga-Sinyansa-Badomsa, Asik/Adeween Yeri)

As I initially wanted to do my doctorate on the subject of “intergenerational conflicts”, I felt that close contact with the younger generation was necessary, and this was probably best achieved in a school. That is why I taught at Sandema Continuation Boarding School during the 1973 and 1974 university holidays with a limited number of hours per week. There I met the art teacher, Leander Amoak, who had also occasionally given information to Prof. Schott. When one day he invited me to take part in the transfer of a female ancestral shrine (ma-bage) he was probably a little in doubt about whether my participation aroused the ancestors’ anger. So he forbade me to take photos a few days before the event. However, when I arrived at Asik-Yeri on the day of the ritual, he permitted me to use my camera and tape recorder without any restrictions. As kpagi of the Ayarik-bisa lineage segment and one of the first literates in Badomsa who readily assisted others in dealing with administrative authorities, he commanded great popularity and authority, and he and I could hardly be denied any information.

Apart from visiting and documenting most of the rites of passage in Asik Yeri, we also visited all 21 compounds of Badomsa where we took a census and a record of all the important ancestral shrines. The result was published in my book, Ancestor Worship among the Bulsa (1982).

After Leander’s death (on 30 August 1983), I tried to continue my work with his family and approached his eldest son, Danlardy Leander, a primary school teacher and later headmaster of the Arabic School Wiaga, with my unanswered questions. Danlardy had neither the authority in Badomsa nor as much knowledge of traditional culture as his father. He mainly served me as an interpreter during compound visits and transcribed and translated numerous Bulsa texts from my tape. Like his father, Danlardy did not live in Asik Yeri, but in Wiaga-Goansa (centre) where he died on 24 October 2022.

 

3.4  Anamogsi Anyenangdu (from Wiaga-Sinyansa-Badomsa, Anyenangdu Yeri)

Leander’s actual successor in my research work was Anamogsi, the earth priest (teng nyono) of Badomsa, kpagi (elder) of the Badomsa-Abadomgbanabisa lineage segment, compound head (yeri nyono) of probably the largest compound in Badomsa and owner (tiim-nyono) of the birth medicine biam-tiim, which is known beyond the borders of the Bulsa region. When I asked Leander to name a traditional compound in Badomsa where I could stay for a longer period of time and where I would be allowed to participate in all the traditional rites with permission to take photographs, he replied: “Choose one of Badomsa’s (over 50) compounds yourself; they are all ready”. My choice fell on Anyenangdu Yeri, and I have never regretted this choice. In this compound, I and all my European and African visitors had completely free access to all rooms and activities. As the lighting conditions in the windowless ancestral room (kpilima dok) were quite poor for taking photographs, I was allowed to take important shrines and other ritual objects out into the courtyard for this purpose.

After he adopted me as his eldest son, there was even a certain obligation to take part in all sacrifices and other sacred acts. It was very important for me  that I was given an explanation of every detail I didn’t know in several sessions afterwards. Of course, there was also absolutely secret knowledge that Anamogsi was not allowed to share with me and his “other” sons. I liked the fact that when I asked him about this, he didn’t try to satisfy me with excuses or false answers (as was usually the case), but instead clearly explained, “I’m not allowed to say that”.

The most important thing for me was that I could move around almost as freely in the three houses of the ko-bisa (Atinang Yeri under Atinang, Atuiri Yeri under Ansoateng and Angoong Yeri under Atupoak) as I could in Anyenangdu Yeri. The other Badomsa compound heads could hardly refuse to give Anamogsi’s eldest son any information. When Anamogsi told me about our visit to a ngarika burial in Badomsa, in which he himself played a leading role as kpagi, I wanted to buy some kola nuts and a bottle of Akpetishi for the compound head and the gravediggers. Anamogsi just laughed and said, “They have to give us gifts because we are the chief performers at the burial”.

Anamogsi was illiterate but very interested in technology. He drove my moped and operated my tape recorder at tanggbain sacrifices so that I could concentrate on the photos.

He died in 2010 at the ripe old age of about 85 (?). After that, I continued to live in Anyenangdu during my research visits. Under Asuebisa, Anamogsi’s son and successor, who himself had belonged to a Christian sect for several years, nothing had changed in terms of my freedom of movement in the compound, my possible participation in rituals and their willingness to obtain information.

 

3.5 Akanming Awasiboa (from Siniensi, resident in Wiaga-Badomsa until 1994)

About half a kilometre from Anyenangdu Yeri was Akanming Yeri. Despite his origins in Siniensi, which can be traced back to the change of residence of one of his ancestors several generations ago, Akanming was regarded as an expert on all of Badomsa’s internal affairs. As a recognised diviner, he even received customers from outside the Bulsa region.

Although I was also able to observe sacrifices to ancestors and the Pung Muning earth shrine, as well as numerous rites of passage in his compound, Akanming was my most important informant on divination, which permeates all areas of religious life among the Bulsa. Particularly in numerous wen-piirika rituals, which are almost exclusively performed by diviners, I learned about possible variations of this ritual during our visits to other sections. Akanming made sure (especially in 1988-89) that I was never absent from any of his wen-piirika rituals because he had a plan to make me a diviner myself, as none of his many sons were interested in this profession. To this end, he gave me special lessons with his own divinatory set, and I had to take on smaller tasks when he visited other sections.

Shortly before his death on 28 July 1994, Akanming moved back to Siniensi (January 1994), where he took over a larger compound as a yeri-nyono.

 

3.6  Yaw Akumasi Williams (from Wiaga-Yisobsa-Napulinsa, Apok Yeri)

Yaw was not one of my most important informants, but he was almost an ideal helper for the various tasks of an ethnologist. As the son of Anamogsi’s eldest daughter, Akawai, he knew everything about Anyenangdu Yeri, where he had also lived with his mother for several years. He did not only know a lot about all the rites of passage, but also tried his hand at analyses and rational attempts to explain these rites. The Lakori concept, which plays a role in the establishment of ritual changes, was developed by him and me.

At large rituals, for example, funeral celebrations, he took on the role of a second ethnologist who collected data with a second camera and tape recorder at other locations in the compound when I was unavailable at another location.

After Alfred Agyenta, the later bishop of the diocese of Bolgatanga/Navrongo, he was also the most important collaborator in the creation of a second revised edition of the Buli-English Dictionary, which was published as an app (“Buli-Dictionary”) for smartphone devices (in 2021). When I spent three weeks in Accra in 2012 without a northern Ghanaian stay, he came to Accra, devoted many hours to revising the dictionary and did completely independent work in the National Archive of Ghana searching for and photographically reproducing texts about the Bulsa.

Much of his help was not of an ethnological nature, but was often a prerequisite for my research. In 2011, for example, he made it possible for me to travel to the Koma as a passenger on the back of his motorbike, whereas I had previously travelled with him by lorry (2002, 2005 and 2006) or bus (2008) to that area.

When a German television crew documented my ethnological work among the Bulsa, Yaw took on the role of microphone assistant (2005) to the complete satisfaction of the film experts.

Having joined the Restoration Power Chapel Wiaga early on, Yaw worked there as a preacher and later as a pastor and leader. After my last stay in Ghana, our collaboration was, to my great regret, limited to a few phone calls and letters, as Yaw could not be reached by e-mail.

3.7 Margaret Arnheim, née Lariba Bawa (from Gbedema-Gbinaansa, Akanwari Yeri)

My informants have so far consisted exclusively of male Bulsa. Women usually leave their parental home at a young age (sometimes already as children) to marry into a foreign compound, where they are regarded as strangers who are usually not given a detailed insight into the religious secrets. Nor do many women seem very interested in giving a foreign researcher an insight into their personal lives and the rites that accompany them.

When I taught at the Sandema Continuation Boarding School, I tried to close the existing gaps in intensive discussions with older female students. I was only moderately successful. It was particularly difficult to collect data on linguistic problems. However, there was one exception. The former student Margaret Lariba Bawa (later Margaret Arnheim) became one of my most important informants and collaborators.

During my research visit in 1978, Margaret, who had since trained as a nurse, told me that she would like to come to Germany. As both Prof. Schott and I urgently needed Bulsa collaborators in Germany, I replied to her with the stereotypical sentence that I had already said to many others: “If you pay your own air ticket  and are prepared to help us with our Bulsa studies, you are very welcome”. At the beginning of December 1979, I received a surprise phone call from Mrs. Schott (Münster) to say that Margaret had arrived with her family.

Both Prof. Schott and I immediately recognised her extraordinary linguistic talent. She spoke four languages perfectly (Buli, Twi, Hausa and English) and, after a relatively short time, also German. While Prof. Schott urgently needed help with transcribing and translating audio tapes, I needed a native speaker to edit a Buli-English dictionary. I was surprised not only by her good knowledge of Buli, especially her competence in determining the Buli pitches, but also by her tirelessness and perseverance. We often worked many hours into the night without interruption.

As Margaret was born in Accra and only moved to Gbedema with her parents to attend the Boarding School at Sandema, I didn’t expect her to have much knowledge of general cultural issues, especially in the religious sphere, but here too I was surprised. Although she converted to the Catholic faith as a child, she showed a great interest in traditional religion, and through her constant questioning of ritual events, she was able to acquire very good knowledge, which is extraordinary for women. The data I collected in 1973-74 on rites of passage and which I published in book form in 1978, was therefore richly supplemented.

 

3.8  Bulsa Facebook groups (Bulubisa Meina Yeri, Buluk Kaniak, Buluk in Focus and others)

It seems unusual to include Facebook groups in a list of Bulsa informants. But especially in the groups mentioned above, I was able to gather valuable information about rites of passage that I had not known before. The groups are mainly frequented by educated Bulsa, who often do not know very much about the traditional life of their ethnic group, but are nevertheless (or therefore) very interested in it. However, there are some academics who have a very good knowledge through their early experiences in a traditional compound or by gathering information (see Kröger 2022).

Another method of data collection was that I asked questions to the Facebook groups myself. Most of the time they were not answered completely without any results. If the questions became too intimate or general privacy was jeopardised, I asked very specific questions to one of my 5,000 or so Facebook friends and continued the topics of the public discussions there.

4. GENEALOGIES

 

 

 

 

 

 

5. FUNERAL SONGS 

Preliminary remarks 

The most comprehensive written source for funeral songs are found in U. Blanc’s publication on “Music and Death…” (2000). Her in-depth analyses could only be imperfectly mentioned here. My most important informants were Yaw Akumasi, who sang songs himself on tape and later transcribed and translated the recorded songs, and Akanjaglie from Kanjaga, married in Wiaga-Badomsa.

The Buli statements of the texts are often difficult to understand. On the one hand, this is due to the fact that some songs contain passages in dark Buli (Buli sobluk), and on the other hand, the singers assume that their listeners have a knowledge of many events that outsiders do not possess. In the Buli transcription, some words appear in a less common form (ngiek instead of ngiak, soliok instead of saliuk, yeti instead of yiti…). They appear here unchanged.

Many songs for the dead (kum-yiila) are known throughout Bulsaland, but others can also be invented spontaneously by the precentors. For example, they pick up something from a discussion of the old men in the kusung, or they make fun of the long speeches of the elders.

Most of the funeral songs are sung at the Kumsa, not so many at the Juka. Their performance is not limited to certain days or hours.

The songs sung by women and men are lyrically the same, but there may be differences in the melody. Akanjaglie notes that men’s songs have a faster rhythm and are not as emotional as women’s. . The “aeroplane song” (no. 12), for example, would not be typical of women.

The instrumental accompaniment for men, if any, consists of ginggaung or gori drums, and for women, of sinsangula basket rattles.

The women have three leaders: The eldest of them is their official leader and is also initially named as the precentor who starts a song. She usually passes this task on to another woman with good vocal qualities, and a third woman repeats a text followed then by the rest of the women. Many younger women are afraid of becoming the precentor for fear of witchcraft (fk out of envy?), because the leader is often in danger.

Once a song has started, it cannot be interrupted, even if a death occurs in the compound.

During the three processions of men around the compound several songs may be sung, but no new song may be started until one has returned to the nangkpieng, i.e. up to three songs may be sung in the three processions.

Funderal songs should not be sung outside of funeral celebrations. When Yaw sang songs on tape, some women came to us but said nothing. If children want to sing songs for the dead, they go to a tree away from the house. The taboo doesn’t seem to be very strict, however, because my (later) cook sang the death song “Ti miena nong…” (‘friend of us all…’, cf. Blanc 2000, p. 141ff)  for me during my first stay at the Anyenangdu Yeri compound, which in this case meant not a deceased person but me.

 

No 1

Place and time: Agaab Yeri, Wiaga-Yisobsa-Chantiinsa; sung on the first day of the Kumsa celebration, 2008

Context: Group of elders with their precentor; transcribedd from the tape recorder

Quoir:

A ga tigsi Yesobsa bisa ga ngiek-ge -eee (They went and assembled, the children of Yisobsa, for the ancestor).

Ayen ba cheng ka ngiek yaba yeti soliuk ga ngiek yaba. (They [the living people] said that he [the dead person] went to the ancestral market, [he] woke up in the morning and went to the market.

Ayen ngiek ge ngiek bo dok teng-ge eee (They [the living people say,  ancestor and ancestor [sic] is in the room under the earth [=grave].

Precentor:

Ayen ngiek yaa kpaammu, ate ngiek yaa kpaam ba ([they] said that the ancestor has warned, has warned them)

Quoir:

Ayen ngiek ge ngiek yaa ga togi lang lang eeee (that the ancestor -ancestor has spoken sweetly)  [i.e. the dead persons remains under the ground]

Precentor:

Ate ngiek yaa kpaam ba, ate ba le changi la ngiek yaa ga (and the ancestor warned them, and when they went, the ancestor went and warned them)

Quoir:

Yesobsa bisa gbengi diok yaaaaa (Yisobsa’s children are a male lion yaaaa)

Precentor:

Ate ku a nyini bee aaaaa? Ka nna ti ku a nyee? (And where does it [death] come from? Is it so, as it does?)

Quoir:

Eeeeeh   aaaaah

Precentor:

Aaa wi yeee eeee aaaa oooo wi yoooo yooo. A ga biisi, Yisobsa bisa ga ngiek eee ([They] went and spoke. Yisobsa’s children went to the ancestor).

Ba yiti soliuk ga ka ngiek yaba. Yesobsa bisa ga yogoo. (They woke up in the morning and went to the ancestral market. Yisobsa’s children went in the night)

Ate ngiek yaa gaa biisi cheng la ngiek yaa ga biisa (An ancestor went and was speaking – as they attended the ancestor [he] was speaking).

Ate ba li yiti la ba cheng ka ngiek yaba (And when they woke up, they went to the ancestral market).

Quoir:

Ayen ngiek ge ngiek boo dok tengee ([I?] said ancestor and ancestor is in the room under the earth).

Ate ngiek yaa ga kpaam ba ate ngiek yaa gaa kpaam moa (and the ancestor has been warning them and the ancestor has been warning)

Ngiek geeee ngiek boo dok tengeee yaaaa (ancestor and ancestor is in the room under the earth)

 

No 2

Place and time: Agaab Yeri, Wiaga-Yisobsa-Chantiinsa 2008

Context: Kalika dai: Women singing sinsangula yiila (They blame the inhabitants of the compound, because they did not give them millet water).

Note: The printed songs of this Kumsa celebration (Kalika Dai) provide a short form. All repetitions were left out.

Ba wai wai bani nyiemoo ba wai kan te jaabo (water – none of them gave them [the singers] anything)

Alege ka noin gban po jiam yoo (but [they] gave thanks only with [their] mouths/lips)

ayen amotia dok demma yik ka jaab li nyiila (they said that Amotia [people from Agaab’s room] caught something with horns

waalikaa yeeyeeeee (extraordinarily).

Mi yen Amotia dok demma yik jaab li nyiila (I said that Amotia’s room people caught something with horns)

waalikaa…

Ni nina be nnya ba ya, aiya ababababababa (Your eyes have not seen them [The precantor is addressing the other singers]

Mi yen….

Age ba kan weeni ti Ajaab wommoa ali Akumjogbe (But they should not say that Ajaab [Agaab Yeri] hears this with Akumjogbe.

Apok biik le maa boru wa tengka nyona bi an posima (Apok’s child [Yaw, my assistant from a compound with a teng/tanggbain] is amongst them. He, the teng-owner, is not small)

Age ba ngaangka le kala Kaadem la, bi kan weeni ate wa tue wom yoo (But their back is in Kadema, do not speak that his ears hear)

Ka wie yo , ka wie yo, ka wienga maga maga aaa (It is a problem… it is a small problem)

Mi yen Akubela dokdem yik jaab k(u) an nala (I said Akubela’s room companions caught something, which is not good)

…

No 3

Place and time: Agaab Yeri, Wiaga-Yisobsa-Chantiinsa 2008

Context: Kalika dai: Women singing sinsangula yiila

Note: The printed songs of this Kumsa celebration (Kalika Dai) provide a short form here. All repetitions were left out.

The pidgeon probably symbolizes the deceased.

 

Nya m le ko mi nangbang ate baa vara ya wo ya wo (Look, I have killed my dove and they are seizing [it] ya wo ya wo)

Ni yaa bi nya ka daa yeri nyona nangbang-eee (Look carefully. It was not the house owner’s dove).

…

Mi yaa le nyini daa cheng la a yaa ga ko mi nanggbangka (I came out and was walking, and they killed my dove.)

Ate ti baa vari la, mi boa nmaba?  (And when they seized [it], what [will] my mothers [say]?)

…

Mi yaali nyini pisi mi nanbenta a cheng a yaa ga pisi mi nangbangka (I wanted to come out to pick up my cowdung and walked and found my dove)

Ti yeni nyono daa vari la. Mi dek ti ndiem nya boa? (Our house-owner seized it. What I should do is “nba” (onom.: free oneself from such a person)

…

Aaya, ka daa yeri nyono nangbanga (No, it is not the house owner’s dove)

Chini nyona jam a chini nyona jam. Ni liema a ngma jam oo? (Calabash owners, come! Your daughters will not come. [Calabash owners are the women at a funeral who are responsible for calabashes and clay pots with water, food etc.; daughters = daughters of the house; they should come and bring [money])

Ta yaa ka ba liema nyini (We want their daughters to come out)

Ba jiammoa yienga nyamma ba jiam yooo (They [= we] thank them [the house-owners] for their thanks)

Mi a nak ba jiam, ba kala kan biisa mi la a nak ba jianta (I am knocking their thank. And they are sitting without thanking [us]. I knock their tiredness)

No 4

Place and time: Agaab Yeri, Wiaga-Yisobsa-Chantiinsa 2008

Context: Kalika dai: Women singing sinsangula yiila?

Note: The printed songs of this Kumsa celebration (Kalika Dai) provide a short form. All repetitions were left out.

 

Yaa bi nya bolim de taa yeri kusung (You see, fire burnt our compound-kusung) [fire = death]

Ti ba kala ba cheesi alaa (when they were seated they came together to mock)

Bolimu dee a Wieg yeri kusungoa a tali garuk moan[ung] yaa (fire burnt the Wiaga  kusung and left only a red smock [= the remaining people])

Ayen nya bolim dee taa yeri kusungoa a tali garu moan yaa (fire burnt our compound kusung and left only a red smock).

…

Nya bolimmu dee ka Akalinya bis ati ba kala ba cheesi a la (See, fire burnt Akalinya’s [an ancestor’s] children, and they are seated and come together and laugh)

Bolim dee ka a sebwie kusung-oa... (Fire burnt a clever man’s kusung…)

…

Bolimmu bi deê taa yeri kusungoa ale ba garu moanung -oaaa (… with their red smock)

 

No 5

Place and time: Sandema?

Context: James Agalic’s M.A. thesis. If somebody died people ask: “Wa ta ngaanga?”  Has he

children?

 

Fi dan poom yiak niiga a jo (Even if you possess cattle)

Fi dan poom yiak piisa a jo (Even if you possess sheep)

Fi dan poom yiak bonsa a jo (Even if you possess donkeys)

Ale ka ta nuroa (but you do not possess people)

Fi tin ta boa (you possess nothing; {literally: What do you have?]).

 

No 6

Place and time: Compound,  Atekoba Yeri, Sandema-Choabisa, 17-18 April 1973

Context: Song sung on the first day of the Kumsa funeral by women sitting in the cattle yare near the mat (i.e. by sinsangula women). This song can only be sung by women.

Linguistic and content explanations:  Ajuibisa refers to the arriving visitors (Thomas Achaab, Godfrey Achaw and F.K.; Thomas is related to  Atekobaa Yeri;  fall: he will be miserable;  wang: pour away, yariba: scatter about; Ba nag yeni: ……evil-minded people (e.g. witches) will destroy the house after such a strong man has died

 

Ni kal be ya (3x)

Ajuibisa wa kal be ya (3x)

Wa wa lo.

Ba nag yeni wang yariba yariba (wang= to scatter, yariba= without plan)

Nya, ba nag yeni wang ate ba ta ba la.

Ba nag yeni wang ate ba ta ba ala.

Ba nag yeni wang yariba yariba.

Where will you (pl.) sit (stay)? 3x

Ajuibisa, where will he sit? 3x

He falls (is miserable).

They beat the house into pieces.

Look, they have beaten the house to pieces and they are laughing at them.

They have beaten the house to pieces.

They have beaten the house to pieces.

Nr 7

Place and time: Sandema-Suarinsa, 1973

Context: A shepherd group sang the following funeral song on my tape.

[F.K.: Text and translation are not quite clear, toagri in B.E.D.: to kill an animal]

 

Aka a tin lam kpiuk,

naabula ka toagri wang naabula yaa toagri wa.

Asangbiok ni wa kan tiri lam kpiuk-oa.

Naabula yaa toagli wa, naabula yaa soagli wa.

I do not touch [tiri] meat of a dead person.

Bulsa stepped on monkey and it poised [was killed?].

Azangbiok does not touch meat of a dead man.

Bulsa stepped on monkey and it poised [?].

Nr 8

Place and time: Sandema Boarding School

Context: Song sung on my tape recorder by girl-students of Sandema Boarding School. At funerals this song is sung at the market.

The song contains a lament about somebody’s  deceased brother. The survivor asks Atuga’s Wen to let him live at least one more year, because his brother can harm him.

 

1. Version (sung by Margaret Lariba [now Arnheim])

N’dek mabiika naa nyemu se ze

Wa tamu taam goiya daasi longsi na wi gbema yigre (2x)

Nya jaab jaab ben gaam me suok-oo (2x)

Atuga wena maar tin jok paai beiya

N’dek mabiika kaboa, Atuga wena maara

N’dek suok-oa kaboa, Atuga wena maara

Atuga wena maarya, Atuga wena maar tin jok paai benya.

2. Version (sung by Mary Syme from Siniensi)

N’dek maabiik na na nye mu se wa ze

Wa tin tam goi ya daasi lonsi a na wi gbegma yigri (2x)

Jaab jaab kan gaam mi suok-oa (2x)

Atuga wen tin jog maar paari

N’dek seok-oom Atuga wen naa maai (several times)

Atuga wen naa maar tin jog pasi ben ya.

Translation of the second version:

My own realtive is doing (treating) me as if he does not know me.

He took me to the bush and pushed (me) down that lions might catch me

Nothing, nothing is more than my brother [for me]

Atuga’s wen should reach [should not fail to be reached] and help

My own brother, what is wrong?

Atuga’s wen should help me, not to break down (?) [jogi= fail, pasi= break, remove, beni: delay].

3. Version (sung by Margaret Lariba)

N’dek maabiika ala nya mu se wa ze,

Ate mu tanyoai [tan goai?] a daasi luensa ale wa gbegma jig mu

Ja-ja a yom mu n suik

Ja-ja a gom mu n suik ate ba weni maa ate jou [jog?]paa ben ya

N’dek mabiik-aa, ka be ate bu weeni ate suayu ka be ate ba weni maa (3x)

Ate ba weni ma ate yug pau benya.

Nr. 9

Time: 2006

Context: Text provided by Yaw Akumasi

 

(a) Fi taa nyaa wa be?

(b) Fi taaa nya wa ka chamu ten yaa duesa teng? eee!

Precentor: a, a;

Quoir: a

Precentor: a in a higher voice with longer syllables, a

Quoir: b (repeated at will)

 

Translation:

(a) Where will you see him?

(b) Will you see him (the dead person) under a shea tree or a dawa-dawa trees? No!

 

Nr. 10

Place and time: 2006

Context: Text provided by Yaw Akumasi

(a) Fi daa yaali fi yieg fin bonsa a jo, fi yieg [yiagi] niiga a jo

(b) Fi kan ta nuru, fi tin ta boa aaa? (=e)

(c) Ni miena sie yoo

(d) A jog nuru

(e) Fi kan ta nuru fi tin ta boa aaa? (=b)

Precentor: a+b, a+b; c,

Quoir: d+d+e

Translation:

(a) If you like, you drive donkeys in (into the cattleyard), you drive cows in

(b) You do not have a person, what do you have?

(c) You all respond now

(d) You miss a person

(e) You do not have a person, what do you have?

 

Nr. 11

Place and time: 2006

Context: Text by Yaw Akumasi

(a) Ja-jak biik nya wensie bee?

(b) Ate wa togi wa wani, age ba daa zeri yaa

Precentor: a, a,

Quoir: a b

Translation:

(a) The child of a poor person, where does he see truth?

(b) And he (the child) explains his problem, but they refuse.

Explanation:

When making decisions, one only listens to important (rich?) people. The song calls for listening also to the child of poor people, because death makes everyone equal.

 

Nr. 12

Place and time: 2006

Context: Text provided by Yaw Akumasi

(a) Afelik nye jaab-o, ate wa ka nangsa, ate wa ka bogi ye

(b) A yaa la giri [= yiti?] wen lab-lab-lab

(c) Yoo-

(d) Nya, felika nye jaab-o ate wa ka nangsa

(e) Alege ka bogi ya a yaa li a yiti wen yaaa

Precentor: (a+b) + (a+b)

Quoir: c+d+e

Translation:

(a) The white man builds a thing (an aeroplane), but it has no legs and it has no wings,

(b) And it rises [roars?] to the sky, lab, lab, lab. (giri: cf. giri-giri: railway).

(c) yoo

(d) Look, the white man builds a thing and it rises to the sky: lab, lab, lab.

Explanation: This song is well known to most Bulsa.

 

Nr. 13

Place, time and context:

The singer Akanjaglie, a native of Kanjaga, married to Wiaga-Sinyangsa-Badomsa (Anyenangdu Yeri), sang the following songs in 2006 at her late husband Akanpaabadai’s newly established compound on my tape. Many of her songs have a personal reference to her beloved husband.

Precentor:

Kori nummu la nag la n zang we n chib wee – eee

Atingim ma, n zang we n chib we – eee

Nya dila ka yiila, n zang we n chib we – eee

Nya jaamu la vuusi; vusi kaai la n zang wee, n chib wee

 

Quoir:

Kori nummu la nag nag kai la n zang we, n chib we…

Translation:

The eye of the east (= sun, i.e. the day when the sun rose) beat my zangi (forked post),  broke, my chib (roof beam)

Atingim’s mother*, my zang broke, my chib broke

Look, such is a song. My zangi broke…

Look at the living thing, how it is breaking. My zangi broke…

 

*Atingim is a nickname for Kanjaga; Atingim ma is Akanjaglie; Atingim may be replaced by “Atuga bisa” in other villages, for example.

 

Nr. 14

Place, time and context: see no 13, sung by Akanjaglie

Precantor

N boro a niek (niagi) ba wienga age ba yen maa kaasi

Jabiak wari boro da-yong-oo

A de yee yee da-yong-oo

Choir:

A de yee jabiok a nyin, jabiok a taam ya de za?

Translation:

Precentor:

I am there to solve (bless) their problems, but they say I am spoiling.

The problem of a bad person will be on another day (in future)

A de yee: (signal for the other singers to join in)

Quoir:

The bad person* is going out (leaving)

The bad person is passing or is the bad person staying?

*The bad person is Akanjaglie (meant ironically). Is she describing her own fate? (She was expelled from her husband’s main homestead).

 

Nr. 15

Place, time and context: see no 13, sung by Akanjaglie

This is a very well-known song, which Akanjaglie here relates to her own problems.  Possible interpretation by Yaw: The death (of her beloved husband?) was hard, but people make things worse by accusing her.

Precentor:

Ayen ba chiem ba bolimmu ka n zuk

A ngman jam li dakings jam viro-ooo (2x) [duok, pl. daata, wood, log]

Choir:

Ayen ba chiem ba bolimmu ka n zuk

A ngman jam li dakings jam viro-ooo

Teng sobri n kan goa yaa yiila yoo.

They (people who hate her) set (chiem) their fire on my head

And come again with big logs (as firewood)

(They) bring them and add (viro) them.

In the night I cannot sleep and I am worrying.

 

Nr. 16

Place, time and context: sung by Aakanjaglie, see no 13

The following song is common knowledge, but Akanjaglie has used Yari gambieka (her husband’s nickname or praise name) at her own request.

Precentor:

Naamu bu suini nyin la.

Bu jo ni wan dok te ni nya- aaa?

A gen ba ko mi sanbuini mi Yari gambieka*.

Naamu… nya-aaa?

Translation

The heart of the cow (= calf) fell out (got lost)

Whose room did it enter that you (pl.) see (it)?

They killed my dawa-dawa flower, my giant Yarisa-man**.

*gambiek cf. ganduok ‘Riese’.

**Nickname of her husband Akanpaabadai. The Yarisa (Kantussi) are considered tall people. Her husband was of exceptional height.

 

No 17 (Song of mourning)

Place, time and context: Prof. Rüdiger Schott recorded this song on 28.9.1966 in Sandema-Kobdem. According to Godfrey Achaw, it is not a song of a funeral celebration, but a song of mourning.

N boro a nyeem ya, n boro a nyeem kama.

Ate mi nyeem nyeem bam pai ale kum kali le ba jam ko n mawa.

Jam ko n ma alege mi dek nyiini at me kala namoa.

Jam ko mawa ja ko kowa alege midek nyiini ate mi kala namoa.

Ate me yueni ba daa siak, ba te mu kui nganaase le mu ta cheng yeringa ga yaali baano.

Te mi chang gai yaa baano,

Mi wom wanye ka kum nyiini.

Te mi jam yeni ate bu sang jam, a jam ko n mawa, a jam k n kowa alege mi dek nyiini ate n kala namoa.

Translation:

I have been travelling/roaming about (2x)

I roamed*, roamed, came and met death sitting and they (it) came and killed my mother, they came and killed my mother, leaving me alone and I am sitting suffering.

Came and killed my mother, came and killed my father, leaving me alone and I am sitting suffering.

I said, if they agree they should give me four hoes** to send to the houses and consult a soothsayer.

I heard something, only death came to the houses and they came after me

and killed my mother, came and killed my father and left me alone, and I sat suffering.

*He has to move around because his parents are dead.

**Four hoes (hoe blades) are an exceptionally high payment for a diviner, but he wants to know the cause of death.

18 Death song

Place, time and context: Information by Margaret Lariba; in Fumbisi, when an old man dies, they sing the following song:

Goi naamu a nyin ngmang ngmang (The bushcow disappeared cooly)

Ajaa zaan pungku tenga (came and stood near a rock)

Goi naamu a nyin ngmang ngmang

Bu loansi moai ale peeli (it has red and white patches)

 

Funeral songs (kum yiila) adopted from U.Blanc  (2000: 45ff, 117-232)

Songs for dancing (community songs, not only for funerals)

P. 45f: Wan ale a de

P. 47: Naawen ta wari jam-oa!

P. 47: Ka wan lie, ate wa boari nya?

 

KUMSA

Kalika dai

Men:

P. 121ff.: Ganduok-ee! (Sandema-Tankunsa)

P. 126ff.: N zuk a wari du!

P. 128ff.: Gbengli duok!

P. 132ff.: Yagaba gong (with sheet music)

Women:

P. 141ff.: Ti miena nong

P. 144ff.: Mi nyini gbong zuk a sing

 

Tika dai

Entertainment music:

P. 152ff.: Wiena miena bo dila!

Men:

P. 160: Ku dan ko nueri, ku ne yaali jigi!

P. 179ff.: Yeri waang ya! (for deceased men or women)

P. 187f: Waa-wobluk a nyin! (final song for a deceases man)

P. 189: Wen pa nalim te (sung while mats are carried from the cattle yard to the front of the compound)

Women:

P. 167f: Kumu a ko ka liklik (for deceased men)

P. 169f: Ti yeri-nipok ale yiti (for deceased women)

War song accompanying a war dance:

P. 191: Ti boan chaab

 

Kpaata dai (kpaata yiila)

P. 204f: Fi nye ka nala, jam dela-ya?

Gbanta dai

no example

 

JUKA

Sinlengsa dance

P. 231: Wa jinla nyini, yaa!

6. FUNERALS ATTENDED BY THE AUTHOR OR HIS ASSISTANTS

1) Kumsa funeral celebrations attended by the author

Atekoba Yeri, Sandema-Choabisa (fn 60-65), 17-18 April 1973: funeral celebration for a blacksmith who died at an advanced age (90) in March 1973. He is said to have fought against Babatu. Only the tika dai was attended.

Asebkame Yeri, Wiaga-Chiok (fn 88.119a – 121a): Kumsa held for a man, a married woman and two children. Only gbanta-dai (6.12.88) was attended.

Adaaminyini’s relatives (compound name?), Wiaga-Sichaasa (fn88,185): Funeral of an old man and an old woman; a short visit was paid on 19.1.89 (tika-dai).

Akadem Yeri (fn88,197+200a+b): Wiaga-Yisobsa: for nearly a dozen men and women, visited on 28.1.1989 (tika) and 31.1.1989 (gbanta).

Acha Yeri, Sandema-Chariba (fn 88,221b+222a); visited on 5.3.89: gbanta for a married woman.

Awuliimba Yeri, Sandema-Kalijiisa-Anuryeri (fn 88,223-226): father of James Agalic, the assistant and informant of R. Schott and F. Kröger; visit: 1st-4th day (7.3.-10.3.89).

Abanarimi Yeri, Wiaga-Chiok-Ayaribisa (fn 233a+b): Kumsa for two married women (rites behind the compound), a returned daughter (in front of the compound) and a boy; visit on gbanta dai (16.3.89)

Agbain Yeri, Wiaga-Yisobsa (fn 01,3a+b): Visit: tika dai (13.2.01) and gbanta dai (gbanta on two days: 15. and 16.2.01).

Agaab Yeri, Wiaga-Yisobsa-Chantiinsa (fn 08.15) for two male and five female deceased; visits: 17.2.08: kalika; 21.2.08: gbanta

Adiita Yeri, Wiaga-Yisobsa-Guuta; 22.2.08: kalika; 24.2.08: gbanta (tika dropped out, because there was not male person among the deceased).

Ataamkali Yeri, Wiaga-Longsa; compound of the kambonnaab and earth priest Afelik: 25-29.1.2011 (tika dai, kpaata dai, gbanta dai).

2) Kumsa funerals attended by the author’s assistants

Abapik Yeri, Wiaga-Badomsa: 5.9.90 (fn 88,305b) detailed information and photos by Danlardy Leander.

Anyenangdu Yeri, Wiaga-Badomsa, funeral celebration for Anyenangdu, the father of my main informant Anamogsi: 3.3.91-6.3.91 (photos and information by participants M. Striewisch and Danlardy Leander, detailed information and explanations by Anamogsi and other house residents)

Although I myself was not able to attend this funerary celebration at Anyenangdu Yeri, my residence between 1978 and 2011, I received the richest material available fora Kumsa. Even up to 2011, all contentious issues could be discussed and answered.

Atinang Yeri, Wiaga-Badomssa (fn 06, 6a+b; 10a, 27.1.2006): Kumsa mid-March 2005 (not attended, main information provided by Anamogsi, Danlardy and Yaw; held for deceased from Atinang Yeri: Atinang, Angmarisi (younger brother of Atinang), Kweku (young), from Anyenangdu Yeri: Awenbiisi, Asuebisa’s son Akansang, Agoalie, Adiki (Azuma’s young daughter); description in fn only 1. -3. day; imitator of Atinang: Atakabalie (Anyik’s wife), for Angmarisi name omitted, for Agoalie: Ajadoklie. Addition by a letter of Danlardy: when Agoalie died in her parents’ house, she was buried there and a funeral was celebrated. Later, a second funeral service was held at Anyenangdu Yeri.

3) Juka funeral celebrations attended by the author

Ajusong or Ajuyong Yeri, Wiaga-Mutuensa: 24.-27.4.1989, attendance F.K.: 24.4. (cheesika/bogsika, fn 88,270), 27.4. (lokta juka dai, fn 88.270+272), Juka for a deceased diviner.

Ateng Yeri, Na-yeri, Wiaga-Yisobsa, Juka for the late Wiaga chief Asiuk, 6.7. – 12.7. 1994; attendance: 9.7. (sira manika dai, fn 94,14+15a). On 10.7. (lokta juka dai) my assistant Danlardy Leander photographed rites and collected information on my behalf.

4) Juka funerals attended by the author’s assistants

Wiaga-Chiok, May 1990 (fn 88,305b):  senlengsa dai: My assistants Danlardy and Adama took photos and collected information.

7. PARTICIPANTS IN ANYENANGDU’S KUMSA FUNERAL

(in preparation)

 

 

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• Title, Contents and Preface
• Introduction
• Chapter I: Pregnancy
• Chapter II: Birth
• Chapter III: The Guardian Spirit, Naming and Names
• Chapter IV: Scarifications
• Chapter V: Wen Rites
• Chapter VI: Excision and Circumcision
• Chapter VII: Courting and Marriage
• Chapter VIII: Death and Burial
• Chapter VIII (contd.): Funeral Celebrations
  • The Kumsa Funeral Celebration
  • The Juka Funeral Celebration
  • Funerals and Rites of Passage
  • The Role of Women in Funerals
  • Redundances in the Two Funeral Celebrations
• Conclusion
• Appendix